Sunday 27 October 2019

The Paradoxical Commandments












The wonderful documentary on Hedy Lamarr ("Bombshell: The Hedy Lamarr Story") which showcased her talents - and especially her major talent as an inventor, ended with her speaking the sayings often called "The Paradoxical Commandments".

These were created by a college student named Kent M. Keith and published in 1968 in a pamphlet titled “The Silent Revolution: Dynamic Leadership in the Student Council”.

Alexandra Dean, the director of Bombshell, said "Te takeaway for me is really the poem she reads at the end of the movie. You'll see she reads this poem which is very moving because she's had so much disappointment and felt so overlooked in her life. But what she's saying in the poem is [paraphrasing]: Even if you feel that you've been kicked in the teeth, and the world never gave you the applause you deserved because you did something amazing and it was not recognized, do it anyway. "

People are illogical, unreasonable, and self-centered.
Love them anyway.

If you do good, people will accuse you of selfish ulterior motives.
Do good anyway.

If you are successful, you will win false friends and true enemies.
Succeed anyway.

The good you do today will be forgotten tomorrow.
Do good anyway.

Honesty and frankness make you vulnerable.
Be honest and frank anyway.

The biggest men and women with the biggest ideas can be shot down by the smallest men and women with the smallest minds.
Think big anyway.

People favor underdogs but follow only top dogs.
Fight for a few underdogs anyway.

What you spend years building may be destroyed overnight.
Build anyway.

People really need help but may attack you if you do help them.
Help people anyway.

Give the world the best you have and you’ll get kicked in the teeth.
Give the world the best you have anyway.”

References and Links for Further Reading

https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/hedy-lamarr-genius-only-seen-for-beauty/

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/the-brilliant-mind-of-hollywood-legend-hedy-lamarr

https://www.wipo.int/wipo_magazine/en/2018/02/article_0002.html

https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/hedy-lamarr-genius-only-seen-for-beauty/

https://medium.com/@rloldershaw/great-quotation-at-the-end-of-bombshell-hedy-lamarr-19be9833fa42

https://www.npr.org/2017/12/03/567632620/in-bombshell-the-double-identity-of-hollywood-star-hedy-lamarr

https://quoteinvestigator.com/2012/05/18/do-good-anyway/

https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/hedy-lamarr-genius-only-seen-for-beauty/

Saturday 26 October 2019

A dead stranger in a strange land










One of the most heartbreaking messages in the death of 39 migrants in the back of a trailer was from Ms Tra My. Her family have shared texts she sent to her parents which translated read: "I am really, really sorry, Mum and Dad, my trip to a foreign land has failed. I am dying, I can't breathe. I love you very much Mum and Dad. I am sorry, Mother."

One of the ironies is that the police will do everything they can to bring the traffickers to justice, but had she come into the UK and survived, she would have been pilloried as an illegal immigrant.

There's a disconnect between how we view the victims of this tragedy, and how they are often viewed otherwise, and that's something I explore in this poem.

A dead stranger in a strange land

39 dead migrants, and it lays bare the lie
Take back control, make borders secure
And yet they come, even come to die
After many travails, so much to endure

Beer and cigarette man says keep them out
Or send them back; they don’t belong here
An arrogance of certainty, complete lack of doubt
And so the barricades go up, built of fear

These were human beings, like you and me
Fleeing from persecution, escaping strife
Do not close your eyes, but pray and see
Reach out in kindness, and save a life

One day the sea-saw may swing the other way
And the West will face its own judgement day

Friday 25 October 2019

Jersey As It Is - Part 4




















This Friday is a blog in which I have transcribed a translation of an essay called "Jersey as It Is", published in 1844, as the result of a winning entry by F. Robious de La Trehonnais which won first prize in the competition of the Jersey Emulation Society.

This brings us to the end of the historical sketch of Jersey, and next will be how he finds Jersey today -1844. In between I will be posting a slightly different blog for a couple of weeks before coming back to this book.

Jersey As It Is - Part 4

Under the reign of the unfortunate Charles, it was no more a question to repulse intruders for whom they had no sympathy. Now, by a calamitous fatality, the protecting shelter they had adopted is broken asunder; the standard which had waved glorious, unconquered, over their victories, is torn by factions ; but, true to their sympathies, the islanders saw the revolutionary storm a long time beat vainly the rocks of their islet, which contained their unfortunate sovereign; and when at last number and power triumphed, when, pierced with sorrow, the valiant Carteret surrendered his sword, it was with the noble pride of having defended, to the last extremity, the only rock that remained to the exiled king out of all his extensive realm.

Everyone is acquainted with this quarrel between Charles and his parliament ; unfortunate discord which has cost so much blood and tears to England ! Unluckily for our islanders, the rebellious spirit, which divided their mother country, influenced also their little community ; but most of the inhabitants espoused the cause of the king ; and, animated by the noble example of Captain de Carteret, who refused the rank of admiral offered to him by the parliament, they hoisted the standard of legitimacy.

The grateful king knighted the loyal and disinterested captain, and appointed him governor of the island. Scarcely invested with his new authority, Sir de Carteret equipped a fleet of ten sail, which hindered a great deal the channel trade, and rendered important services to the king's cause. It was then that Charles, driven out of his estates by the power of the parliament, took refuge in the island, accompanied by Lord Clarendon, and a numerous suite of gentlemen who had shared his perils and his bad fortune.

The prince was received by the faithful islanders with the greatest deference. However, his stay in their country did not extend beyond two months; for, yielding to the entreaties of his mother, he decided upon going to France. Lord Clarendon did not follow him in this his new place of exile, he retired to the Elizabeth castle, where he wrote the greatest part of his valuable work.

When the unfortunate Charles had atoned, with the loss of his life, for the faults he bad committed, the Jerseymen immediately proclaimed Charles the Second as their legitimate sovereign. This prince, unknown to, and unacknowledged by, his subjects, came also to rest his roving and wearied life within the green and peaceful valleys of the island which formed, if I might so say, the only patch of ground that recognized his authority.

Sir de Carteret set on foot a subscription amongst the inhabitants to meet the monarch's expenses, and their enthusiasm was so great that it amounted, in a short time, to a considerable sum. But so entire and adhesive, so courageous a loyalty, fixed at last the attention of the parliament.

A fleet was sent, under the command of the celebrated admiral Blake, in the month of October, 1681, and in this fleet they embarked a large body of soldiers, commanded by general Haines. George de Carteret, with his brave companions, repulsed on several occasions this overwhelming army, but at last, unable to defend, with his few followers, all the exposed parts, he could not prevent a landing, which the parliamentary troops effected in St. Ouen's bay; then, seeing the impossibility to oppose such a force, he shut himself up in Elizabeth castle, determined to defend it to the last extremity. The parliamentary troops, finding no resistance, besieged at once the castle, and, from the hills which overhang it, bombarded it without relaxation.

The islanders, stimulated by their noble chief's example, resisted as long as their ammunition lasted; but the impossibility of receiving help, and the protracted duration of the siege, reduced them at last to the utmost distress. They decided then on soliciting the help of the king of France, through the medium of Charles, who had taken refuge in Paris; but this prince, having failed in obtaining what he asked, advised de Carteret to capitulate. 

Such a recommendation did not suit the governor's courage ; it is even recorded that he kept this message for some time unknown to his followers ; but so much perseverance and heroism could not bear up against the want which prevailed in the castle; and, yielding to an imperious necessity, he surrendered on honourable conditions. 

Thus fell the last gem of the unfortunate Charles's diadem; but as soon as the restoration brought him back to the throne he did not forget the island which had welcomed, loved, and defended him when he was proscribed and homeless. Carteret was appointed lord chamberlain and state counsellor, and the privileges of the island were confirmed and enlarged. 

From this stormy period, to the reign of George the Third, the island enjoyed a tranquillity which was not disturbed by any occurrence; but when, in the time of that prince, war broke out again between France and England, the French made another attempt to get possession of Jersey. 

On the 1st of May, 1779, a fleet, commanded by the prince of Nassau, appeared in St. Ouen's-bay: a landing was attempted ; but, either dismayed by the number of native and British troops assembled to oppose their descent, or by the roughness of the rocky beach, the French re-embarked, and, having made another attempt in St. Brelade's-bay, with the same results, they desisted from their enterprise and disappeared. 

A second expedition was defeated by Sir James Wallace, who destroyed the French fleet; but, far from being discouraged by these failures, they fitted out a third expedition, which was entrusted to the command of Baron de Rullecourt. 

This officer succeeded in landing, during the night, on the island with about twelve hundred men ; favoured by the darkness, he penetrated to the middle of the town of St. Helier’s, which he occupied without striking a blow. Early in the morning he repaired to the governor, Major Corbett, and by exaggerating the number of his forces, and demonstrating the futility of resistance, compelled him to sign a capitulation, a copy of which was sent to the officers commanding the troops of the island, with an order to lay down their arms, and to submit to the French 

This message, however, was not obeyed ; and the command of the troops having been entrusted to Major Pierson, that brave officer marched upon the town, and after a severe conflict, in which he and the French intruder lost their lives, the Jerseymen triumphed once more over this attempt on their liberty. 

This enterprise is the last which has taken place against the Channel Islands. During the long wars which attended the French revolution, no danger of any consequence threatened them. The ambition of Napoleon made him aspire to more important exploits; and the only events which we have to record, from that time to our own, are but the results of an ever-increasing prosperity, and of a reform in the constitution which encourages further hopes of a still more prosperous future. However, these were not the only instances of the islanders' bravery. 

During the frequent conflicts which ensued, the Jersey and Guernsey mariners distinguished themselves in the gigantic battles which have rendered Nelson's name immortal. On every occasion they showed that cool and determined courage, and, most especially, that strong tendency to discipline, which has attached to the memory of their ancestors so bright a glory, such spotless remembrances. 

After having thus rapidly sketched the principal features of the history of the Jersey people, in order to present more clearly their existing physiology, in establishing a comparison between the causes modified by the events which I have related, and the effects produced by these causes, I will attempt to demonstrate these effects in explaining the constitution and privileges granted to the island by the British monarchs, and in exposing the facts and advantages which make its prosperity ; but before I begin with these statistical documents, I will briefly describe the parts of the island which I have thought it most worthy of admiration, and present a few topographic observations on some principal spots, in conjuring up the legends and historical reminiscences which belong to them.

Thursday 24 October 2019

The Political Terrance Dicks




















The Political Terrance Dicks

Terrance Dicks was an "elder statesman" of Doctor Who, and my tribute can be seen here.
http://tonymusings.blogspot.com/2019/09/rip-terrance-dicks.html

In this blog, however, I'd like to tease out his politics, which he kept very much to himself.

Paul Cornell describes Terrance Dicks, in the latest edition of Doctor Who Magazine, as being probably giving the impression of being “a particular kind of liberal / small “c”, conservative”, but he doubted if that was wholly true, as Dicks was close friends with Malcolm Hulke, who had been at times a member of the Communist Party, and certainly had a strong feeling for social justice in his Doctor Who scripts.

But perhaps we can do better! In his book “Uproar in the House”, he takes a historical romp through 700 hundred years of history, followed by nice pen sketches of how Parliament works behind the scenes of the House of Commons.







It’s a great book, and also boasts an introduction by the Right Honourable Bernard Weatherill,
Speaker of the House of Commons 1983-1992! Lord Weatherill says:

“There is no shortage of learned books on Parliamentary procedure and many politicians some famous and others less so have written about their personal experiences. What I like about this book is that it gives the facts in a light-hearted and accessible manner. It explains the passage of a Bill through both Houses until it receives royal assent (still given in Norman French "La Refine le veult"!) and becomes an Act of Parliament. It outlines the duties of the Party Whips and what a Three Line Whip actually means. It defines the role and the responsibilities of the Speaker and, incidentally, it clearly demonstrates that behaviour in the House of Commons today is infinitely better than it was in days gone by!”

He commends it, saying that “The sprinkling of Richard Robinson's illuminating and amusing cartoons and sketches, plus Terrance Dicks's easy to read style, make this a most enjoyable book to read - I thoroughly recommend it.”

So let’s dip into it, and see what we make of the political Terrance Dicks!

The Politics of the Victorian Age

Looking at Waterloo and its aftermath, Terrance notes:

“After the victory at Waterloo, Britain became the leading power in Europe. With her growing Empire, she was soon to dominate the world. Back home however, there were problems, not solved by the war but simply postponed, which just had to be faced. With the Industrial Revolution came the emergence of a powerful new middle class. The lives of the poor were affected too. People were moving from country villages to big towns. Factory workers' living conditions, both at work and at home, were often shockingly bad.”

And he has this to say about the push back against reform:

“Britain had been at war, on and off, for 22 years. As always in war-time, authoritarian attitudes had hardened. Reformers had been treated like revolutionaries, and any opposition to the Government was seen as treason.”

He points out the need for reform – note the “ordinary man” and his place in the scheme of things:

“Both Whigs and Tories still only represented people with money and land - neither side was in favour of anything so extreme as giving the ordinary man a vote and as for women ... Nevertherless, the Reform Bill had huge symbolic importance. By responding, even in a limited way, to public pressure, the king, Parliament and the Lords had given the reformers enough hope to prevent a violent revolution. The pot was still bubbling away - but at least the Government had stopped trying to sit on the lid. (They'd seen what that led to in France.)”

I think the passage on Parliamentary reform and the acts that followed is very telling. Terrance has no sympathy for the industrialists who ran things, and the poor way they treated their workers:

“The new Parliament began a series of much-needed reforms. Slavery was finally abolished in British colonies, not before time. A number of Factory Acts were passed. Children weren't allowed to work in factories until they were at least nine years old, and even then they weren't allowed to work more than nine hours a day. These and other liberal regulations annoyed the newly-rich manufacturing magnates no end. How could they be expected to make a decent profit if they weren't allowed to grind the faces of the poor?

And tellingly, he adds: “It's an attitude that hasn't entirely disappeared ...”

Again he makes a comparison between the present day – when this was written, Margaret Thatcher had fallen from grace, and John Major had just secured a general election:

“The Chartists were an early working class movement that had grown up out of hard times. They complained that they were bowed down under taxes and that workmen were starving. 'Capital brings no reward, the workhouse is full and the factory deserted.' (Sounds all too familiar, doesn't it?) The Chartists had over 100 branches and their meetings drew huge crowds. They took their name from their demand for a `People's Charter'. (Must be where John Major got the idea.) They demanded votes for everyone (well, men anyway), a secret ballot, equal-sized electoral districts, wages for MPs, the abolition of the property qualifications for MPs and voters, and general elections every year. Today all these rights, except for the last one, are taken for granted. At the time they were seen as madly revolutionary ideas.”

But he sees extreme movements to force change using violent ends as bad:

“The Chartists presented giant petitions to Parliament, all of which were turned down. Most Chartists were moderates who wanted to work through Parliament. When all their attempts failed, certain extremists began talking about `wading to freedom through rivers of blood'.”

Robert Peel comes across as a reforming Prime Minister:

“Although the Chartists didn't get far with their petitions, Peel's government did put through a number of important reforms. These included the Mines Act, another Factory Act, and the first Public Health Act. Most important of all, in 1846 Peel reformed the Corn Laws, which had penalised the poor by keeping the price of wheat, and therefore bread, artificially high.”

And he explains how the repeal of the Corn Laws had split the Tory party into `Peelites', Peel's loyal supporters, and Protectionists, led by the up and coming Disraeli”, so that the Protectionist Tories became the Conservatiove pary, while the mixture of Peelites and Whigs became Liberals.




A Victorian Titan or Rascal?

Lord Palmerston, who is cited as one of the “The Victorians: Twelve Titans who Forged Britain” in Jacob Rees-Mogg’s book published this year, does not get such a good press by Terrances, described as “Bold Bad Pam”, and he notes that:

“Palmerston was a sort of hangover from the more dashing days of the eighteenth century. Although a Liberal, Pam believed in an aggressive foreign policy, vigorously defending British interests all over the world. Any hint of trouble from stroppy foreigners and Pam would bellow, 'Send a gunboat!' If the crafty foreigners were unsporting enough to be land-locked, he would send a military expeditionary force instead.”

I cannot help thinking about the bombastic Marshall and his "shoot to kill" attitude in the Dr Who story "The Mutants", one which portrays the downside of Empire, and how ill-treated the stroppy foreigners are in that story.

Clearly, although Dicks notes that “all this red-blooded John Bull patriotism went down a bomb with the Great British Public”, he does not approve of those tactics! He also notices Palmerston’s fondness for wine, women and song.”

“What really put the lid on it was his alleged attack on one of her Ladies in waiting, carried out, shock, horror, in the royal residence of Windsor Castle itself. Pam's version of events was that one of the ladies in waiting was eagerly awaiting his late-night visit. Slightly fuddled by the after-dinner port, he'd found himself in the wrong bedroom. Could have happened to anybody but as far as Victoria was concerned it was attempted rape. Prince Albert didn't believe Palmerston's story either. According to him, Palmerston 'would have consummated his fiendish scheme by violence, had not the miraculous efforts of his victim and such assistance attracted by her screams saved her”

It was all “hushed up”!

There’s also a wonderful pen sketch of him in later life:

“Pam was still making passes at the ladies well into his eighties. His other appetites were pretty powerful as well. At a Parliamentary dinner the amazed Speaker of the House watched Pam tuck into turtle soup, cod with oyster sauce, pate, two entrees, roast mutton, ham and pheasant ...Today's tabloids would have really loved Pam.”

The Politics of the Early Post-War Years

Moving ahead, and I am skipping lots of very nice and vivid pen-sketches of politicians and happenings in Parliament, I come to the early post war years. The Attlee government went for nationalisation of industries, but Terrance Dicks takes a more sceptical view of the outcome:

“No doubt about it, nationalisation was a noble ideal. From now on, vital industries and services would be run not just for commercial profit but by, and for the benefit of, the people. At least, that was the idea. In practice it didn't always work out. For some strange reason, people with a job for life in a massive state-owned organisation didn't seem to work quite as hard as people running their own businesses and hoping to get rich on the proceeds.”

So while he may be enthusiastic for social reforms, he’s less keen on bureaucratic reforms. And clearly, as the strikes in nationalised industries showed, it didn’t make a lot of difference. A nationalised industry, after all, is not like a Co-Operative, where everyone in the business has a share in the business and its proceeds. He doesn’t mention British Leland, but it was probably not far from his mind!

However he does have fulsome praise for the NHS:

“One Labour idea that really was worthwhile was the provision of free medical care for everyone. Attlee's Health Minister was Aneurin Bevan, known as Nye, a Welsh orator in the Lloyd George tradition. His 1946 National Health Act made medical treatment, drugs, dentures, spectacles and hospitalisation completely free. Financial considerations eventually interfered with this high ideal. A completely free service proved too expensive to run, and over the years charges were introduced for drug prescriptions, spectacles and dental treatment. But the important concept of free medical treatment no doctor's bills remains to this day.”

He covers the good points of the Attlee government - increased benefits in old age and sickness, and the replacement of the Poor Law with State Assistance, and he has some interesting things to say about the Tory establishment.

“The Tory establishment reeled under the impact of all this left-wing legislation and made dire prophecies about a Russian-style Communist dictatorship though the mild-mannered pipe-smoking Clem Attlee made an unlikely tyrant.”

But he’s not against all Conservatives. When we come to Harold Macmillan, it is very clear this is a kind of Conservatism that Terrance likes:

Macmillan was a Tory moderate with a genuine concern for the welfare of ordinary people. He hated unemployment, and fought hard for full employment throughout his career. Attlee once described him as 'the most radical man I've known in politics. If it hadn't been for the war he'd have joined the Labour Party. If that had happened, Macmillan would have been Labour's Prime Minister, not me.'”

Notice the language – “Tory moderate”. And he also has some rather harsh things to say about the Labour party:

The Labour Party meanwhile were fighting each other instead of the Tories. When Attlee retired, there was a bitter struggle for the premiership. The main contenders were Aneurin Bevan from the old working-class Labour left and Hugh Gaitskell, a university lecturer, who represented the more moderate middle-class elements in the party. Gaitskell won, becoming party leader in 1955.... Some people said the Labour Party was modernising, becoming a party of government. Others, on the far left, said it was selling out and losing its soul.”

It’s not clear at this point where his own political sympathies lay, although the ready by now probably thinks it would probably be Gaitskell, as the next section, on Wilson and Heath, is called “Middle of the Road”:

“It's interesting to note that by now the policies of the two parties weren't really all that different. Labour was less keen on nationalising everything in sight, and its links with the trade unions were weakening. The Tories had accepted most of Labour's `welfare state' policies, and accepted the need for at least some Government control of the economy.”

I imagine he’d see Tony Blair and David Cameron very much a repeat of that.

The Age of Thatcher

While he mentions Margaret Thatcher’s legislation against the Unions, he says very little in praise of it, and notes simply that: “She forced the trade unions to accept secret ballots to elect officials and to authorise strikes, and she banned secondary picketing one union picketing in support of another.” It is notable how little is said of what he thinks of all this.

But this passage on “The Price of Success” is very telling:

“Government determination to hold down inflation and to cut expenditure was not without painful consequences. Inflation fell to 8 per cent but unemployment rose to over three million – the highest figure since the Great Depression of the '30s. The gap between rich and poor widened and there were riots in London, Liverpool and other cities. On the other hand productivity rose faster than in any other country in Europe. Mrs Thatcher's insistence on freezing social service expenditure and increasing defence spending came near to causing revolt in her own Cabinet but no one dared to speak out.”

That’s hardly enthusiasm for Maggie’s policies, and his description of “Tebbit the Terrible” clearly shows he was not at all in favour of Thatcherite policies:

“Tebbit enjoyed intimidating the opposition, a task in which he was aided by fierce, skull-like features which gave him a rather frightening look like Dracula on a bad day. Since his constituency was in Essex, he was also referred to as 'The Ching ford Skinhead'. A Thatcherite to the core, Tebbit advised anyone who was unemployed to 'Get on your bike' - and look for another job. He opposed the trade union principle of the closed shop, calling his opponents 'red fascists!'”

He also gives a typical piece of Tebbit rhetoric to illustrate this:

“In 1990 he supported Maggie's BBC-bashing with a typical piece of Tebbit oratory. The word "Conservative" is now used by the BBC as a portmanteau word of abuse for anyone whose political views differ from the insufferable, smug, sanctimonious, naive, guilt-ridden, wet, pink orthodoxy of that sunset home of that third-rate decade the 1960s.' The old polecat could still snap. Tebbit stayed on to support the Tories in the 1992 election before retiring leaving the Commons a duller, if politer and quieter, place.”

It’s interesting to reflect on the discussion about the need to moderate language in Parliament, when back in the 1980s, Norman Tebbit was certainly not holding back!

The Failure of Labour

It is interesting when we come to look at what was happening during this time with the Labour Party, that the language is again telling – “moderates” against “left wing militants”:

“Under Michael Foot's leadership, the Labour Party was still divided in defeat. There was a continuing struggle between moderates and such left-wing militants as Tony Benn. Four former Labour Cabinet members, Roy Jenkins, David Owen, William Rodgers and Shirley Williams, resigned to form a new centrist party, the Social Democrats or SDP, hoping to appeal to middle-of-the-road voters disenchanted with both Labour and Conservatives. The new party gained an impressive number of seats in by-elections, eventually achieving 28 MPs. They later formed an alliance with David Steel's 12-strong Liberal Party.”

It is clear where his sympathies lie – notice how the new party gained “an impressive number of seats”. It really wasn’t that much, but if you supported the SDP, and wanted something more moderate, it would have seemed that way.

The Falklands gave Margaret Thatcher the boost she needed, and the Labour party was clearly down in the doldrums:

“The Labour Party seemed completely demoralised. Its 1983 election manifesto was described as 'the longest suicide note in history' - by Gerald Kaufman, who was on their own side!”

The Miners' Fight

In the miners’ fight, Maggie is “unyielding” but it is not clear how much “militant” Scargill is also to blame for the suffering caused. The note that “the unions were tamed at last” seems to suggest that they had been out of control – not a good thing.

“When the Government planned to cut subsidies to the still-struggling coal industry, militant miners' leader Arthur Scargill ordered a strike. It dragged on for 11 weary months, causing great suffering to miners and their families. Maggie was unyielding - and she'd taken care that there were ample stocks of coal. The miners surrendered, going back to work with nothing to show for the strike. It seemed that the trade unions were tamed at last. 1985 showed the lowest number of strikes for 50 years, and trade union membership has been falling year by year ever since 1979 ...”

Neil Kinnock

When it comes to Labour, and again a “more centrist” leader against “Loony lefties”, it is clear that Terrance is very much in favour of a centre-left kind of politics:

“The Labour Party had been in opposition for so long now it was starting to look permanent. In a desperate attempt to buck themselves up they changed leaders once again, replacing the leftist Michael Foot with the more centrist Neil Kinnock, an eloquent (some said windy) Welshman in the Lloyd George tradition. Engaging and affable, Kinnock worked hard to pull things together, striving for a modern middle-of-the-road Labour Party, led by men in respectable dark suits. (So much for Keir Hardie's cloth cap and brass band ...)”

“Likeable as he was, Kinnock knew how to be ruthless. He cracked down hard on the `Loony Lefties' in the party, whom he saw as making the party unelectable. Meanwhile the SDP-Liberal Alliance trundled on. After a surprisingly promising start its members were already squabbling amongst themselves. The Alliance was eventually to split up.”

Thatcher’s Downfall.

One of the key elements in Margaret Thatcher’s downfall was the “poll tax”, which Terrance describes as “as being easy on the rich and hard on the poor.” The way in which it was introduced also suggests it did not have widespread support.

“Suddenly Maggie ran into an unexpected setback. The 1988 Local Government Finance Act was intended to replace the old `rates' the local government tax paid by all property owners. The plan was to substitute a `poll tax' paid by everyone, property-owning or not, between the ages of 18 and 65. (Maggie is said to have bulldozed this scheme through her extremely unenthusiastic Cabinet.) The whole thing sounds fair enough in theory but in practice it was a political time bomb. People saw the new law as being easy on the rich and hard on the poor. There was a storm of civil - and sometimes very uncivil protest.”

But the other fact was world recession, and here we have a very bleak picture of the early 1990s, a country which is in a mess, and I think the most telling sentence is the last one:

“By now a world recession was beginning to bite. People who'd bought their own homes could no longer afford to pay the mortgage. Lots of those small businesses people had been encouraged to start were collapsing into bankruptcy. Crime statistics were rising all the time. Inflation was down but unemployment was way, way up. Hospital wards and even hospitals were closing. The rich might be getting richer but the poor were definitely getting poorer. Homeless people were living in cardboard boxes and for the first time in 100 years beggars became a common sight on the streets of London and other big cities.”

And in conclusion....

There’s a strong sense in the way Terrance Dicks interprets British politics in seeing that we live in an unjust world, but the best politicians are those who strive to make it a fairer place. In that respect, his political heroes seem to be politicians like Sir Robert Peel, Clement Attlee, Harold Macmillan, Neil Kinnock – these are what might be described as “moderate centrists”.

Reforms that improve the lot of ordinary people, whether electoral or social, are very much praised, but the more top down managerial nationalisation is not. Of course Doctor Who was always coming up against managerial bureaucrats during the Letts / Dicks era of Doctor Who, and they are almost always pilloried in one way or another!

There’s certainly a dislike of extremism, whether it comes from Thatcher’s Conservatism and the right, or the “Militant Left” in Labour. Norman Tebbit is probably the only politician in the post-war era to really be attacked, it has to be said, rather ruthlessly, although to great comic effect.

Hulke's own "Invasion of the Dinosaurs" is all about extremist destroying good ends, and in the DVD commentary, Dick's comments on how there is something wrong about people who know they are always right, and how Hulke was almost criticising some of his old Communist roots.

But the militant left kept Labour out of power for over a decade, so there are rather more comments on Thatcher’s Conservative policies, and how they were bad for poor people. I couldn’t help thinking of the Peladon stories, that changes in a society need to be the kind that everyone benefits from, not just a privileged few.

And that brings us to that justifiably condemnatory sentence: “. Homeless people were living in cardboard boxes and for the first time in 100 years beggars became a common sight on the streets of London and other big cities”

So there’s no hard and fast left / right, but as with Charles Dickens, there is a keen sense of where injustice is in society, and how it is wrong and needs reforms. There’s a way in which the present becomes a lens for the past, so that we see how the demands of “ordinary people” which were thought to be exceptional, actually now have come to pass, but there is also a reflection back on how some of those improvements have been lost, and can so easily be lost.


Postscript:

There's a lot of wry humour, and I seem to detect something of the influence of "Yes Minister". Nowhere is this clearer than the very wide ranging look at why people go into politics:


"When you consider that many MPs hold down other jobs as well, it's a wonder they survive not to mention their marriages. Cabinet Ministers and the PM, of course, work even harder. Enormous stamina is needed."

"Why do people do it? Power? Ambition? Publicity? Or even a selfless desire to serve their country? Who knows? Maybe it's all these things - and the sheer thrill of it as well. Lord Randolph Churchill, Winston Churchill's father, an eminent politician and a life-long Parliamentarian, once said, '1 have tried all forms of excitement, from tip-cat to tiger shooting, all degrees of gambling from beggar-my-neighbour to Monte Carlo, but have found no gambling like politics, and no excitement like a big division in the House of Commons. . .'So perhaps that's the answer. Politics is the greatest game and the greatest gamble of them all..."

And one of my favourite pieces has to be about constituency work:

"Friday finishes early so the more far-flung MPs can whizz off to look after their constituencies. An MP's constituency is the place that put him in Parliament, and he'd better not forget it. He will do well to live there, at least some of the time, and he and his wife must make frequent appearances at village fetes and jumble sales. He'll be expected to hold `Constituency Surgeries' where he can meet the public, listen to their grumbles - and try to do something about them. (Even in the House, he must be alert for constituency issues. Voters will expect to read reports of such speeches as: `If this motorway goes ahead, the village green in Little Tittering, in my constituency, will be totally ruined!'"

It's that example about "Little Tittering" that always causes me to chuckle!


Monday 21 October 2019

WTO Rules








Guernsey and Jersey will have access to World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules on trade once the UK leaves the EU, the foreign secretary has said. Dominic Raab notified the WTO on Friday of the extension of its formal territory to cover the Channel Islands. The extension will allow island businesses to access international rules covering trade in goods, services and intellectual property.

The Brexit Briefing in January 2019 given to the States of Jersey by Senator Gorst noted:

"Territorial extension of the UK’s WTO membership has been a longstanding objective of the Government of Jersey. Due to the UK Government reserving its right to extend WTO application to the Crown Dependencies and the precedent set by the extension to the Isle of Man in 1997, the potential for the UK to extend the territorial application of its WTO membership to Jersey remains an option. Brexit has heightened the focus on the UK’s WTO membership. Should the UK exit the EU without a negotiated settlement then the UK-EU trading relationship will fall back on the WTO rules, which are not as favourable as the EU preferential system."

I was getting concerned as nothing seemed to be happening. Access to WTO rules had been an objective for the island's government for more than 20 years and was specific to the Brexit negotiations. It was unclear what basis the Island would have to fall back on in the event of the UK leaving and no WTO rules. There could be grave repercussions to trading with the EU.

A 2017 statement said "We also call on the Government to support Guernsey and Jersey in their efforts to ensure that the UK’s WTO membership is extended to cover them, as it already does the Isle of Man."

The UK Government notice states:

"The Channel Islands will benefit from the UK’s independent membership of the WTO after Brexit, the government confirmed today. Trade Policy Minister, Conor Burns, agreed the extension with Deputy Gavin St Pier, Guernsey’s Chief Minister, and Senator Ian Gorst, Jersey’s Minister for External Relations at a meeting in London."

"This decision will take effect as soon as the UK leaves the EU and takes up its independent representation at the WTO. In the event of a no deal EU exit on 31 October, the UK would take up its independent representation on 1 November."

"Securing WTO extension in time for Brexit ensures that Jersey companies will have access to global rules on the trade in goods, services and IP with other WTO members, including EU Member States and the majority of countries worldwide."

"This represents the conclusion of a political and diplomatic process to achieve extension of the UK’s WTO membership that has been an objective of the Government of Jersey for over 20 years."

Well done to the External Relations Minister and his team for getting this through!

Saturday 19 October 2019

The Feast Day of St Luke











Yesterday was the feast day or festive day of St Luke, the author of the third gospel and the book of Acts of the Apostles. His narrative in Acts ends suddenly. Paul is in Rome, awaiting trial, and Luke, as companion and physician, is attending him, when the narrative just suddenly ends. All that we have left is legendary, of how Paul, as a Roman Citizen, was beheaded on charges of creating unrest and sedition. This poem looks at that legend, and the missing final chapter of Acts.

The Feast Day of St Luke

Dear Theophilus, just one final word
A final missive from the cell at Rome
Of what has been seen, and what heard
In the prison which has become a home

It had ended there, awaiting the trial
Paul still writing, letters come and go
His faith, hope and love so still beguile
And even prison bars are not a blow

What can I say, of how I watched my friend
Losing a show trial, despite words of passion
We both, I think, knew how it would end
The axe on the head, as he prayed compassion

Beloved physician, he said, write of these days
Of not the harsh death, but of the singing praise

Friday 18 October 2019

Jersey As It Is - Part 3



















This Friday is a blog in which I have transcribed a translation of an essay called "Jersey as It Is", published in 1844, as the result of a winning entry by F. Robious de La Trehonnais which won first prize in the competition of the Jersey Emulation Society.

This third extract takes us from Henry IV to Henry VII of England. It is interesting, because the author sides with what we would call "progressive" forces of reform against what he calls the "oppression of feudality". I really like his description of the people of Jersey as "a people, attached to the principles of legitimate constitutions, who will yield neither to triumphant usurpations, neither to force nor intrigues ; but who will always act after their conviction, founded on justice and loyalty." That's us in a nutshell!

His father was Jean-François Robiou de la Tréhonnais, of a noble lineage in France, and who Gilbert tells me was "a chouan hero", who fled from Brittany , to Jersey, in 1789, as he wanted to escape the French Revolution.

Something of the scale of numbers fleeing during that time is mentioned in Michael Monteil's book "French Immigration to Jersey". He states:

"A century after the arrival of many religious refugees from France, Jersey became the destination, or at least the passing-through point, for a new group of French people in considerable numbers: those fleeing the Revolution of 1789. In this group were the nobility and their families. and supposedly ‘defiant’ (réfraclaires) priests who refused to swear their allegiance to the new Republic."

"At the time, Jersey would have had a population of slightly over 20,000 people. In the space of a few months, somewhere between three and four thousand people landed in the island, equating to between a sixth and a fifth of the local population. This would be like England or France seeing between ten and twelve million refugees arriving today!"

Jersey As It Is  - Part 3

Under the reign of Henry the Fourth, frequent descents were made on the islands ; and, though they had no other importance but that of mere plundering expeditions, they caused, however, great disasters among the inhabitants. The leaders of these bands were mostly lawless adventurers, who, palliating their piracy under the pretence of the war then raging between France and England, roved about the channel, having no other aim but to enrich themselves by blood and plunder.

During the reign of Henry the Fifth, though hostilities between the two countries were in their highest paroxysm of fury, the French did not attempt any enterprise of a more serious character than those I have mentioned. The king of France had enough to do then in defending his own kingdom, and had no leisure to attack the enemy on his territory.

Under Henry the Sixth important events happened. It was at the time when that unfortunate quarrel was kindled between the houses of York and Lancaster, a quarrel which caused the most disastrous results to our island. Margaret of Anjou went over to France to solicit help from Louis the Eleventh : this crafty prince, to whom no means appeared unavailable, however unlawful, as long as they forwarded his views, did not dare to declare himself openly for this princess; but set on foot an intrigue, which ended in a treaty between Margaret and a Norman lord, named Peter de Breze, count de Maulevrier, who bound himself to march against her enemies, and, as a reward for this service, he was promised the sovereignty over the Channel Islands.

Some historians, as I have mentioned, pretend that this treaty was the result of the intrigues of Louis the Eleventh, who coveted the ownership of these islands, of which his predecessors had failed to possess themselves by armed expeditions, and which he thought to obtain by means of his crafty machinations. It is certain, however, that a treaty of such importance could not have been settled without the approval of this monarch, as being the feudal master of this Norman adventurer.

The Count de Maulevrier, having left for England, sent one of his officers to take possession of his future dominions. The commander of the castle, who belonged to the party of the Queen, allowed himself to be surprised, and the garrison having been disarmed, the authority of the new lord was proclaimed throughout the island. It was not long before Maulevrier himself arrived ; he assumed all the manners of a despot, enacted laws, and publicly acknowledged his allegiance to the crown of France.

But the principle of loyalty, which until then had characterized the Jerseymen, could not be annihilated by the tyranny of the new master. The part of the island nearest to the castle was constrained to bend to his iron yoke; but the hearts of the inhabitants which the power of kings cannot crush, never ceased to kindle at the thoughts of liberty.

All the western part obstinately refused to yield to the Norman chief. Philip de Carteret, the worthy representative at that time of his heroic family, whose name always brightens the finest pages of Jersey history, and which is always seen where there has been an act of courage and heroism, placed himself at the head of this handful of inhabitants, and maintained for six years the sovereignty of Great Britain.

What a singular contrast is there exhibited within the narrow compass of so small an island! On the one hand, this new chief, morally propped by the sanction of a queen, and physically supported by a powerful monarch, who could succour in a few hours the instrument of his policy ; on the other, a faithful and gallant troop, far from the mother country, itself torn and weakened by factions, resisting the usurper, not only by their convictions to which they sacrificed all their interests, but by their gallant resistance whenever the sire of Breze attempted to crush them.

Edward the Fourth having at last mounted the throne of England, it was thought earnestly of purging the island from the presence of the Normans. Sir Harliston, who cruised in the channel with an imposing fleet, secretly communicated with Philip de Carteret, and they resolved to combine an attack, by land and by water, on the castle of Mont-Orgueil. The Normans, surprised, sustained for some time this formidable storm with astonishing bravery, and even repulsed their opponents ; but at last numbers prevailed, and, all communication with France being intercepted, they capitulated, and the British flag again waved over the whole surface of ancient Caesarea.

As a reward for so much attachment and bravery, Jersey received a new charter, the English admiral was appointed governor, and no doubt, though history does not mention it, the gallant de Carteret was included in this share of gratitude which manifested itself in so striking a manner.

Nothing important happened until the reign of Henry the Seventh. This prince, when he was only Duke of Richmond, driven by the misfortunes which attended his youth, was obliged to take a momentary refuge in the island.

During his exile he soon made himself acquainted with the laws and constitution by which Jersey was then governed, and, with his usual acuteness of observation, be quickly discovered their faults, which he remedied as soon as he came to the throne. He enlarged the charter and restrained the power of the governors : however, the evil, though apparently lessened, became at last so unbearable, and the exactions of the governors took such an alarming character that Helier de Carteret, then Bailiff of the island, went himself to London and did so well by his energetic protestations, that the governor was recalled.

Another evil remained still, so much the more formidable, as it was more difficult to uproot,-I mean the oppression of feudality.

This question, which has lately been revived, even rendered superfluous the royal authority, and the king of England was obliged to appeal to Pope Sixtus the Fourth, whose spiritual power obtained at last what the arrests of the court of justice, and the regal puissance had failed to achieve.

This page of the history of the island, already so bright and glorious, and which I have so summarily sketched; these noble defences against foreign invasion; this fidelity, proof against all seductions, all attempts to alienate its tendency : this page, so free of all the spots which stain the history of other nations, remains comparatively insignificant, compared with the one which is to follow.

For it will no more be a people sacrificing their fortunes or their lives to the religion of an oath, which binds them to a powerful country; it will no more be a struggle between foreign invaders and a handful of heroes, who fought for their independence ; it will be a people, attached to the principles of legitimate constitutions, who will yield neither to triumphant usurpations, neither to force nor intrigues ; but who will always act after their conviction, founded on justice and loyalty.

The cause for which they had so many times confronted death was too powerful a stimulus not to have created in the breasts of the Jerseymen all that heroism which a similar cause could not have failed to produce in any other people.

The comparative nothingness of their islet, the limited number of their population, caused them to seek, as a natural result, a protector, whom they had once chosen, and to whom they clung with a resolute courage, against which their neighbours' insinuations and powerful attacks never could prevail. This new epoch in their history will present quite a different motive to their fidelity.

Monday 14 October 2019

Jersey and Older Ecclesiastical Oversight
















Jersey and Older Ecclesiastical Oversight

Ancient Times

A note is found in W. Plees on the name of "Augia" for Jersey which also covers the Diocese of Dol

Plees wrote (1816):

"Some have conjectured that it was previously called Augia : by this name it was indeed given by Childebert, King of France, the son of Clovis, to Samson, Archbishop of Dol, in Armorica, about A. D. 550 : but this being subsequent to the declension of the Roman power in Gaul, seems rather to corroborate a contrary opinion."

Falle also mentions this (1734):

"a donation of Childebert, king of France, to Samson, bishop of Dol, in Britany, of  four islands, named Vesargia, Augia, Sargia, and Rima which he takes to be Guernsey, Jersey, Sark, and Herm ; Augia being the name of Jersey before the Romans gave it that of Caesarea."

He is citing a translation from D'Argentré, Hist de Bretagne, Liv 1, Ch XXVIII, fo1 114:

"A c'est Archeoesque Childebert donna quelques Isles et Terres en Normandie; Rimoul, Augie, Sargie et Vesargie, qui estoient Isles en la Coste; car je trouve cela aux vielles Lettres."

However, while the legacy of the ancient name may be taken at face value, the document is not! John Henry Newman, in his "Lives of the English Saints" notes that the original documentation has historical weaknesses as to its veracity:

"Baldricus, Archbishop of Dol, asserts that these islands were given to St. Sampson by king Childebert. It may however be asked, whether an Archbishop of Dol in the twelfth century is very good authority for an event of the sixth, especially, it may be added, at the height of the dispute between Dol and Tours."

The donation of Childebert, while probably reflecting early names of the Channel Islands, may well be in the class of the Donation of Constantine, a 9th century ecclesiastical forgery.

Newman adds:

“It is certain that in Norman times they were in the see of Coutances, and this in itself makes it probable that they were always a  part of that diocese ; for political changes do not seem to have affected  the state of dioceses marked out by the Church, except by the consent of the Church. For instance, the parishes of St. Sampson, of Rupes, and Palus Warnerii, were always peculiars of the Bishop of Dol,  though situated in the diocese of Rouen, because they had once  belonged to St. Sampson's Abbey of Pentale, and that, though the Abbey itself was destroyed by the Normans “

“Again, the Channel Islands themselves were never regularly transferred to an English diocese, though the see of Coutances was lost to the kings of England. A papal bull allowed ships to go freely to the islands in war time, apparently for the very purpose of allowing the Bishop of Coutances to cross over when he pleased.”

Newman also notes in passing that “The abbey of Beaubec, in Normandy, possessed some of the relics of St. Helier.”

Tudor Changes

Of course, in later times, as noted recently Henry VIII tried to have the diocese transferred first to Salisbury (letter of 28th October 1496) and then to Winchester (1499).

Msgr. Richard Hind, Chancellor, diocese of Portsmouth, noted in October 2000:

“The Pope did as Henry asked - but the Pope's Bull had no effect.”

According to “The Channel Islands, 1370-1640: Between England and Normandy” by Tim Thornton the papal bulls mentioned above were issued in 1496 (Salisbury) and 1499 (Winchester).

Thornton notes that: On January 1501 the presentation of Richard le Hagueys to the living of St Brelades was recorded in the register of the bishop of Winchester. The papal bulls seem, however, to have been of limited effect: they were apparently not registered at the Lateran, and may have had more to do with a consciousness of earlier attempts at a transfer, and the standing of the bishops in question, than with a primary concern to change the situation on the ground. Le Hagueys, in spite of his presentation under the authority of Winchester, also took the precaution of having the transaction recorded at Coutances.”

“The Coutances registers continued to record transactions relating to Channel Islands benefices, appointments notably being made at the nomination of successive wardens of the islands. Amongst a range of evidence for the continuity of the relationship, Pierre Pinchon, bishop of Porphyre ‘in partibus’. was commissioned to ordain in the isles in 1538, and he survived until 1559.”

Richard Hind notes that:

“Right up to the reign of Elizabeth I the Bishop of Coutances exercised jurisdiction over the Islands. In 1569 the then Bishop of Coutances was on a diplomatic mission in London. He complained that the dues from the Island's Deaneries were not forthcoming. The Privy Council unearthed the Bull and the Royal Letter of 1499; an order in Council of 11th March 1569 executed the separation of the Islands from the Diocese of Coutances and placed them under the jurisdiction of the Anglican Bishop of Winchester - but once again the Order had no effect. The authority of the Bishop of Winchester was completely ignored owing to the fact that Presbyterian discipline and church government were firmly established in the Islands.”

The separation may have officially taken place in March 1569 but a Synod held on 22 September 1567 deputed some members to attend the Bishop of Winchester, and so did a synod in Guernsey on 1 June 1568 – at which time they refer to him as “their Bishop”. Evidently matters were more fluid and arrangements set in train in advance of legal adjustments to the diocesan move from Coutance to Winchester.

The First Anglican Visitation

Why, as stated does the Report of the Archbishop’s Commission state “the first Church of
England bishop to visit the Islands was the Bishop of Salisbury in 1818” and not that of Winchester.

The reason is not given, but Richard Hind explains – the Bishop of Winchester was unwell and unable to carry out his duties:

“It was, in fact, 1818 before the Anglican form of Confirmation was administered for the first time by Dr. Fisher, Bishop of Salisbury, as the Bishop of Winchester was not well enough to do so.

The Islands then had to wait until 1829 to receive the first episcopal visitation from their Anglican Bishop, Dr Sumner of Winchester.”

This is also mentioned in Falle’s account:

“At the request of the late Bishop North, the late Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Fisher, visited the Channel Islands in 1818, and the next year the former prelate sent an excellent printed charge to the insular Clergy, to express his regret that ill health and advanced years had prevented him from visiting that part of his Diocese. The present Bishop of Winchester has since visited the Islands in 1829, and 1835.”

Other Pecularities

Mr. Austin Cooke (October 2000) in his “Chronology of Catholic Dioceses:Notes on the Channel Islands” notes that:

“There was discussion of erecting a Church of England Diocese of Saint Helier in the later part of Queen Victoria's reign, but this foundered on whether or not it would be in England or not (as the Channel Islands are technically not part of England, but are in the Duchy of Normandy).”

I’ve been unable to find further information on that!

Saturday 12 October 2019

Intimacy
















I spoke with Annie on Monday night, and she was fine, chatting, cheerful, discussing a television programme we had both watched, and then there was a last text at bed time. I never knew that was to be the last phone conversation, and the last text message. There was no warning of the morrow. She had been tired, and her heart caused her problems, but not more than usual. That is why the Tuesday came as such a shock.

When someone you love so deeply is lost, it is as if part of your soul has been torn apart. This poem was written in 2005, the year in which we met. A damp day on the 1st of July, at Big Verne, and by October, we were together.

The photograph above is from the last holiday we had in 2009, in Guernsey, The Fermaine Bay Hotel, which had a special deal for a set menu at the connected Michelin Star restaurant. And she was so happy. It is a bittersweet memory, but one I am so glad to have. All those memories are precious, and all those photos, glimpses of that lost world, bring back such joyful memories.

Regrets for the grief and tears and heart-brake that was to come? No, because then I would have also missed out on my time with Annie. Love and grief are partners in the dance of life, and just to participate in that dance, and not watch from the sidelines, is something for which I have and never will have regrets. Ten years will have passed tomorrow, and I still hold that to be true. And I will never forget her.

Intimacy

Mind to mind, lovers meet
Converse well, ever sweet
Talk so much, more to say
Enjoy such time, every day 

Bound in union, lovers meet
Sensations fine, ever sweet
Hold each other in embrace
Gaze in rapture, face to face 

Heart to heart, lovers meet
Emotions flow, ever sweet
Word can not encompass this
Only feelings, such is bliss

05/10/2005

Friday 11 October 2019

Jersey As It Is - Part 2


















This Friday is a blog in which I have transcribed a translation of an essay called "Jersey as It Is", published in 1844, as the result of a winning entry by F. Robious de La Trehonnais which won first prize in the competition of the Jersey Emulation Society.

Although there is no photo of him in the book, I have been in touch with his descendant, Gilbert Engelhardt, who lives in South Brittany, and was able to furnish me with photos and considerable background information, which I will be putting up, with his permission, in the weeks to come.

His father was Jean-François Robiou de la Tréhonnais, of a noble lineage in France, and who Gilbert tells me was "a chouan hero", who fled from Brittany , to Jersey, in 1789, as he wanted to escape the French Revolution. He escaped the guillotine, as he was a royalist. Jean-François married Elizabeth Le Bouteiller in 1806 - she was born at St Aubin in Jersey.

Chouan means "the silent one", or "owl", and was a French surname but was used as a nom de guerre by the Chouan brothers, most notably Jean Cottereau, better known as Jean Chouan, who led a major revolt in Bas-Maine against the French Revolution.

The Name of Jersey

On the name of Jersey, the text makes the mistake (common until recent times) of assuming that Jersey was called Caesarea; it does however, make the same note that is found in W. Plees on the name of "Augia". Plees wrote (1816):

"Some have conjectured that it was previously called Augia : by this name it was indeed given by Childebert, King of France, the son of Clovis, to Samson, Archbishop of Dol, in Armorica, about A. D. 550 : but this being subsequent to the declension of the Roman power in Gaul, seems rather to corroborate a contrary opinion."

Falle also mentions this (1734):

"a donation of Childebert, king of France, to Samson, bishop of Dol, in Britany, of  four islands, named Vesargia, Augia, Sargia, and Rima which he takes to be Guernsey, Jersey, Sark, and Herm ; Augia being the name of Jersey before the Romans gave it that of Caesarea."

He is citing a translation from D'Argentré, Hist de Bretagne, Liv 1, Ch XXVIII, fo1 114:

"A c'est Archeoesque Childebert donna quelques Isles et Terres en Normandie; Rimoul, Augie, Sargie et Vesargie, qui estoient Isles en la Coste; car je trouve cela aux vielles Lettres."

However, while the legacy of the ancient name may be taken at face value, the document is not! John Henry Newman, in his "Lives of the English Saints" notes that the original documentation has historical weaknesses as to its veracity:

"Baldricus, Archbishop of Dol, asserts that these islands were given to St. Sampson by king Childebert. It may however be asked, whether an Archbishop of Dol in the twelfth century is very good authority for an event of the sixth, especially, it may be added, at the height of the dispute between Dol and Tours."

The donation of Childebert, while probably reflecting early names of the Channel Islands, may well be in the class of the Donation of Constantine, a 9th century ecclesiastical forgery.

Jersey As It Is  - Part 2
by F. Robious de La Trehonnais 

The island was known to the Romans under the name of Caesarea, no doubt because the conqueror of Gaul paid it a visit. However, as people do not always accept denominations imposed on them by their masters, the island continued to bear its ancient name of Augia, as it is seen by an act of cession made by Childebert, the son of Cloris, to St. Sampson, the Archbishop of Dol, towards the middle of the tenth century.

Until the year 912, history is silent as to the events which may have taken place in the island; but towards this time the Normans, weary of carnage and devastations, accepted the province which bears their name to retire in peace and enjoy the fruit of their far and widely-spread plundering excursions.

This province was granted to them by Charles the Simple as a fief; and this prince, wishing to cement an union which the weakness of his reign rendered indispensable, gave his daughter in marriage to Rollo, the chief of these barbarians, having had him first converted and baptized by the bishop of Rouen.

The cession of the Channel Islands was comprised in the treaty, and they became thus dependent on the duchy of Normandy.

From the reign of Rollo to that of William the Conqueror, an interval of a hundred and fifty-four years elapsed. Six dukes reigned successively over the duchy, and the peaceful influence of their just and good government extended itself to the Norman isles and deposited in them seeds of prosperity and importance.

In the time of William the Conqueror, these islands, together with the province to which they belonged, passed over to the English crown; however, in the reign of Robert, son of the Conqueror, and who then governed Normandy, they attempted to proclaim their independence ; but shortly after, Henry the First, having superseded Robert's rights and title which he used so treacherously, bound, in a definitive manner, the islands to British dominion, and this bond has stood firm until our days, notwithstanding the numerous attempts that have been made to break it.

It is worthy of remark that the Channel Islands happen to be the most ancient fief of the English crown; for Ireland, Wales, and Scotland were not subdued until a long time after.

Until the reign of King John, history presents no occurrences worthy of notice; but during the reign of that prince, whose weakness was so disastrous to England, the Norman isles were almost alienated from their rightful owners, in sharing the fate of Normandy, of which Philip of France had just gained possession.

The French monarch, anxious to pursue his advantages, encouraged besides by the state of impotency to which the misgovernment of John had reduced England, fitted out and sent an expedition to capture the islands. The historians of the time have not left any record of the defence of the inhabitants; but, if we judge from the result, there is no doubt but they distinguished themselves by their bravery. The French twice landed on the shores of Jersey, but in these two instances were compelled to retreat, and at last to abandon their enterprise.

John, undoubtedly ashamed at having lost his beautiful French province, sought to expiate his disasters by concentrating quite an extraordinary interest to this last remain of one of the finest fiefs of the British realm :-he came over with a fresh supply of troops and provisions; then actively applied himself to protect the coast against further attempts of invasion, by erecting strongholds and fortified towers ; at the same time, his heart did not remain unmoved by the fidelity of the natives, who in the midst of his disasters had not abandoned him, but rather served his interests in so efficient a manner.

As a reward for their good and loyal services, the English monarch gave the islanders a peculiar constitution, attended by numerous privileges; and, though the Norman laws were still maintained, the isles were entirely sequestered from the fief of Normandy, and all the appeals were made to the English government.

These important dispositions were attended with results of prosperity and aggrandisement, and went on increasing until the reign of Edward the First.

Under this prince the French, pursuing their envious tactics, attempted again to possess themselves of the islands. As on the former occasions, they met with such a determined resistance, that again they were compelled to retreat. Edward was so pleased with the islanders, that he handsomely rewarded those who the most distinguished themselves, and pensions were granted to the families of such as had fallen in the contest.

During the reign of Henry the Second the islands were not visited with any foreign invasion; but they did not less suffer from the arbitrary and unjust acts of a tyrannical government. The privileges and institutions with which king John, in his gratitude, had presented the island, were violated in their most sacred clauses, and the inhabitants were exposed to exactions and tyrannical proceedings, which, exercised on a people less attached to the standard they had adopted as their own, would have caused feelings of irritation and disaffection.

When Edward the Third ascended the throne, the islanders exposed their complaints in an humble petition, and obtained from the new monarch a full and complete reparation for the grievances they had suffered under his predecessor.

However, this reign, which dawned so bright and prosperous for the Jerseymen, did not set without storms and disasters : the bloody wars, which raged between France and England, extended their calamities as far as the Channel Islands. Philip de Valois, then king of France, fitted out a powerful fleet, which he sent against Jersey, but this enterprise was not more successful than the others,-it entirely failed before Mont-Orgueil. Some historians maintain that their attack on Guernsey was attended with more success, for the French succeeded in taking possession of it, and even occupied it for nearly three years ; but, after the naval battle which Edward gained over the French, a fleet was entrusted to the command of admiral de Cobbam to rescue Guernsey from the foe's hands. The Jerseymen generously offered to join their efforts to those of the fleet, and their contribution in hands and money added greatly to the success of the expedition.

After these remarkable occurrences, the islands were again blessed with a profound peace, which unfortunately was not of long duration. Charles the Wise, having mounted the French throne, did not approve of the treaty that his predecessor had ratified with Edward of England, a treaty in which France abandoned all her claims to the possession of the Norman isles, and acknowledged the legitimacy of those of England. Charles renewed hostilities, divested Edward of all the remainder of his French possessions, and turned his victorious arms against the islands.

Guernsey was first attacked; but this expedition having totally failed, Duguesclin, whose warlike exploits had so much contributed to the success of the king of France, placed himself at the head of a new army, and landed without opposition on the shores of Jersey. The French general besieged first the castle of Mont-Orgueil, which was then the most important place in the island. His army amounted to no less than ten thousand men, if we credit the chronicles of that time; but, though Duguesclin's exertions and bravery were worthy of his fame and the glory he had acquired by so many victories, his efforts remained useless in presence of the defenders of the castle : the more vivacity and courage he displayed in his attacks, the more the besieged were heroic in their defence; and, exhausted at last by a struggle that brought no result, the assailing army and the garrison entered into an agreement, and it was decided that if in a stipulated time help did not come to the besieged, they were to capitulate under honourable conditions.

Before the day appointed an English fleet appeared, and the French hero, true to his word as he was to his sword, withdrew with his army as he had agreed. It was in that memorable siege that first dawned the name of Carteret, which enriches with so much splendour the history of the island.

Drago de Barentie, the commander of the castle, having been killed, whilst valiantly fighting on the ramparts, Carteret took his place, and continued that glorious defence, against which the invincible arms of one of the greatest warriors France ever had were of no avail.

Thursday 10 October 2019

Chamber of Commerce: Charlie Parker







Charlie Parker, Chief Executive of the Government of Jersey & Head of the Public Service was speaking on the rapid and unprecedented programme of transformation.

There was a lot of talking about "challenges" and the challenge of change, but very little that gave substance to the talk. It would have been useful to have some concrete examples thrown in, to actually demonstrate how the "change programme" was working with particular classes of States employees; this could have been anonymised or pseudonymisded, but instead a lot of what we were told was more generalities than substance. 

And I've yet to see a summary of expenses which breaks down into recurring and one-off for year by year comparison, surely one way to view savings.

There was, thankfully, only one use of the word "vibrant" and I must write a memo to myself to tell Kevin Keen that I shall be watching sharply to see how many times he says it next month in his talk. 

However, I found there to be rather too much use of the words "change" and "challenge", which made me feel at times as if this was a left-over script from "Yes Minister".

Kennedy: How will you extinguish local government bureaucracy?
Hacker: It's a challenge I'm looking forward to.
Kennedy: Would you agree there's even more bureaucratic waste there than in Whitehall?
Hacker: Yes, that's what makes it a challenge.
Kennedy: How will you meet the challenge?
Hacker: It's far too early to give detailed proposals. The broad strategy is to cut ruthlessly at waste while leaving essential services intact.
Kennedy: That's what your predecessor said. Did he fail?
Hacker: Certainly not. On the contrary. It's just that this job is an enormous...
Kennedy: Challenge?

Hacker: Exactly!

The fact that Scrutiny are finding it difficult to determine what is going on, and exactly how the savings of this change programme can be quantified suggests that Mr Parker needs to communicate this more clearly. There was a mention of "measurable outcomes", at which my ears pricked up, but I can't recall a document which actually sets that out in detail.

Dr Cartwright, a civil servant, in "Yes Minister" spells out what you really need to see:
Dr Cartwright: Controlling council expenditure. I'm proposing that all council
officials responsible for a new project list their criteria for failure
before getting the go-ahead.
Hacker: What do you mean?
Dr Cartwright: It's a basic scientific approach. You must establish a method of measuring the success or failure of an experiment. When it's completed, you know if it's succeeded or failed. A proposer states "This scheme would fail if it lasts longer than this or costs more than that, if it employs more staff than these or fails to meet pre-set standards."

I've yet to see anything like that with any degree of clarity.

On who runs things, Mr Parker was very clear. Ministers set the policy and strategic goals, and it is for him and the civil service to implement them. Having studied politics for many years, and watched "Yes Minister" and "The Thick of It", I really don't think it is as clear cut as that. One of the reason Mr Parker was brought in was to develop a change programme, and yes that was a broad strategic aim, but the decision making process of how that is to work, and Ministers being advised on what that means, lies with Mr Parker.

Mr Parker is right about a culture change. I have come across at least one case of a "legacy" Chief Officer blocking a project until finally over-ruled by his Minister. The culture in which Chief Officers actually had virtual autonomy over their fiefdom must go. But the fiasco over drafting the Children's Commissioner Law (where Article 8 was watered down by civil servants, and the Minister for Children let it go) suggests that there is still a long way to go.

Population reared its head, as it does, with the old issue of the balance between needing skilled workers, developing skills locally (not always possible) and how to manage it. There was little of the impact on infrastructure, although I am glad to say the Ponzi scheme of growing the population to pay for the elderly was not mentioned either. But Mr Parker agreed that this was a challenge.

A quick sli-do poll was conducted during the lunch, and most people present wanted a second referendum, then leave with a deal, and finally leave with no deal had very few supporters. 

I always think that "no deal" is misleading and the options really are "leave with a deal in place" or "leave with a deal to be determined afterwards."  There seems to be a naive and widespread assumption that "no deal" is the end of the process, whereas in fact it would only be the start of a far longer and protracted process to sort out a deal. If you leave without a deal, you should have at least some idea about what kind of deal you aim to negotiate afterwards. Otherwise it won't be a case of the nightmare is over, but the nightmare begins.

I was chatting about population to an individual from a bank on my right, who had come to Jersey some 25 years ago. He thought the rot set in with income support and would like to go back to the days of Parish handouts, so that people wouldn't come here to live and get handouts which he told me they can do almost at once. Clearly he'd never bothered to check what the Income Support residence test was, and how that more or less sets a five year limit before being able to claim Income Support.

He seemed to be of the opinion that to be out of work and on income support was widespread, which must come as news to the Social Security Department, where there are many schemes to get people back to work, and be re-skilled, and penalties for those who shirk that responsibility and are able to work but choose not to. 

And he seemed not aware that income support not only replaced Parish welfare, but also a scheme of grants that was already in place with Social Security, such as rent rebate, disability allowance, etc etc.

I've even heard some people say that supporting rent (the equivalent of the rent rebate scheme) should be stopped, but that is invariably said by people who have never had income support, and never been near the breadline.

My dining companion also told me that prisoners should do something constructive and not just be imprisoned but do constructive work, and if foreign, be sent back home. It amazes me that there can be such ignorance of schemes in place for rehabilitating prisoners, that they do work - an example is growing plants for sale - and have re-skill and training programmes. And that there are legal mechanisms in place for repatriation should this seem appropriate. Why do people make comments about the prison service without doing their homework?

I suppose a lot of professionals are cocooned in their own bubbles and don't see the wider picture. Rory Stewart, who is trying for Mayor of London (and I hope he gets it), learns by listening, walking, and meeting people on the ground, not with guided political visits, but just meeting, listening, finding out what ordinary people say, or even, for that matter, those who are down and out or on the breadline. It's a refreshing change from armchair politicians. 

Coming back to Charlie Parker - Mr Parker was right to call out the somewhat venomous impact of social media and the Jersey rumour mill. But not all criticism is of him as a person, some of it is simply wanting to get answers to questions, and trying to see though a fog which seems to hide the finer detail. I'd still like to see the kind of measurable outcomes that Dr Cartwright mentions, but I suppose that is something of a challenge for Mr Parker to deliver.