The Philosophy of Politics Jersey Discussions

I thought it might be useful to lay out some of the way in which I structured Politics Jersey Discussions on Facebook. 

Politics Jersey Discussions

It is designed as a heavily moderated discussion forum:

• Swearing and abusive language restricted.

• GIFs, emojis, and low-effort reaction posts discouraged.

• Links and photos require explanatory text.

• Anti-spam automation is active.

• Repeat offenders move onto post approval.

• Personal attacks on candidates are moderated.

• Measures against repetitive posting and agenda-spamming.

• Membership screening based on account age and existing Facebook activity.

• No anonymous membership, although anonymous posting is allowed.

The effect is usually:

• Slower discussions.

• Fewer meme wars and reaction-posts.

• Higher barrier to entry.

• More emphasis on written arguments and debate.

• Less trolling and fewer fake/new accounts.

Culture difference

In practice, groups often end up attracting different people because of their rules:

Politics Jersey Discussions	Politics Jersey
Structured debate	Open discussion
Higher moderation	Looser moderation
Longer text posts	More mixed content
Anti-spam focused	Higher volume
Quality over quantity	Quantity and activity over strict quality control
Harder for trolls to stay	Easier for anyone to participate

A useful way to think about it

Politics Jersey Discussions  tries to function more like a moderated civic forum or online town hall. 

Politics Jersey appears closer to the classic Facebook model: a large public square where discussion is broader, noisier, and less tightly controlled.

Whether one is "better" depends on what you want. If you're looking for detailed policy discussion and fewer distractions, the stricter rules can help. If you prefer a wider range of voices and more spontaneous debate, the larger group may feel more open.

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 4

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 4

When we map Imre Lakatos’s four strategies onto the high-stakes battlefield of Gospel scholarship, we can see exactly why NT scholars and historical-Jesus researchers rarely change their minds.

Because the text of the Gospels is ancient, complex, and open to interpretation, it provides the perfect raw material for academics to build a "Protective Belt" around their core theories.

In these posts, I will illustrate how historians deploy the four basic Lakatosian strategies to defend their views against troublesome textual data:

James DG Dunn

If N.T. Wright’s program is a hyper-insulated fortress and the ultra-literary camp (Walsh, Mills) is a rigid, degenerating program, James D.G. Dunn’s research program in “Jesus Remembered” is a textbook example of a highly progressive, methodologically honest Lakatosian model.

Dunn does things better because he didn’t just build a "protective belt" to defend against anomalies after the fact; instead, he designed his "Hard Core" from the very beginning to naturally expect and absorb messy data.

Here is how a Lakatosian critic would evaluate why Dunn’s approach works so beautifully:

The Genius of a "Flexible Hard Core"

Most historical-Jesus scholars choose a rigid, black-and-white "Hard Core" thesis:

• The Literalists/Conservatives: The Gospels are 100% historically exact video-recordings.
• The Radical Literary Critics: The Gospels are 100% elite, fictional desk-editor fabrications.

If your Hard Core is that absolute, any slight variation in the text becomes a lethal threat, forcing you into desperate special pleading.

Dunn broke this cycle by choosing a fluid, scientifically grounded Hard Core: The Gospels are the oral memory of the impact Jesus made on his disciples

By grounding his theory in how oral tradition actually works (rather than how modern books work), Dunn built a model where variation is not an anomaly but is a feature. He based this on current research into oral memory. 

When Matthew and Luke alter Mark's wording, or when the resurrection accounts don't perfectly align, a literalist has to sweat to harmonize it. But Dunn’s model naturally predicts this: in an oral culture, performers constantly adapt the details of a story to fit their audience while fiercely preserving the "gist" or the core truth. Dunn doesn't have to defend against textual messiness because his theory beautifully explains it.

A Truly "Progressive" Research Program

Lakatos argued that a research program is progressive if it has high "heuristic power"—meaning it elegantly explains a massive amount of diverse data without needing clumsy, ad-hoc adjustments.

Dunn’s model is hyper-progressive because it seamlessly solves puzzles that crush other scholars:

• The Aramaic Gems: Why does the Greek text randomly drop into Aramaic (Abba, Talitha koum)? The literary camp has to claim elite authors were "simulating robots." Dunn’s model elegantly notes that these are the literal, indelible linguistic footprints of the original oral impact left in the disciples' minds.

• The Continuity Puzzle: How did a simple Galilean preacher suddenly become the divine Lord of the early church? As we saw earlier, Dunn’s model shows that the "seed" was already there in the oral memory of Jesus's implicit authority. The shift was organic, not a fictional hijack.

What a Lakatosian Critic Would Challenge in Dunn

Even though Dunn does things vastly better, an honest Lakatosian critic would still point out where his "Protective Belt" has to do some heavy lifting. No scholar is totally immune to the mirror problem.

The critic would point to Dunn’s treatment of the "Q Source" (the identical, word-for-word Greek text shared by Matthew and Luke). As we noted earlier, oral memory can explain similar stories, but it cannot explain long strings of identical Greek vocabulary copied across scrolls.

When confronted with this, Dunn deployed exception-barring. He essentially said: "Yes, we must admit that written notebooks or a Greek document existed for these specific, lengthy blocks of text (like the Sermon on the Mount). But those are the exceptions. The vast, overwhelming matrix of the Gospel tradition remains purely oral."

A Lakatosian critic would warn Dunn: "Dr. Dunn, by cordoning off the written evidence as a 'special exception,' you are protecting your oral-impact thesis from being forced to admit that the Gospel writers were much more like literate desk editors than your folk-memory model comfortably allows."

Ultimately, Dunn’s research program is the most compelling because it requires the least amount of special pleading.

While Walsh and Mills have to treat the text like a hyper-intellectualized riddle from a university lounge, and Wright has to construct massive theological-metaphorical frameworks to protect his orthodox dogmas, Dunn simply lets the text be what it looks like: a vibrant, messy, living, oral portrait of a historical figure who made a monumental, shattering impact on the people who knew him. He didn't break the mirror completely, but he constructed one of the most honest lenses to look through.

Next Monday:  Dale Allison Jr.

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 5

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 5
(The Reformation in Jersey)
By Jason St John Nicolle
From "The Pilot", 1991

Part V (finale) The Dog that failed to Bark

AND SO Advocate Balleine rises to address the court.

“The defence has argued that the victory of Protestantism in 16th century Jersey was slow and by no means inevitable; and you will be wondering how the 'prosecution is going to respond to an argument which poses so direct a challenge to any concept of a Reformation 'from below.'

"The jury will doubtless be familiar with the series of detective stories written by a prominent Edwardian physician and Spiritualist, featuring a retired army doctor and a violin-playing drug-addict. One of their cases involved an attempt to lame a famous race horse, Silver Blaze. How was Holmes able to deduce that the villain was a certain John Straker? It was because he had "grasped the significance of the silence of the dog" — the dog who had failed to bark at a man quietly edging towards the stables in the middle of the night. Clearly, the mysterious visitor was someone whom the dog knew well. The great detective had realised that there can be as much significance in the things that don't happen, as in the things that do.

"We have already heard the defence's argument that it would be wrong to assume that Jerseymen were dissatisfied with Catholicism on the eve of the Reformation. But it admitted that the available evidence is simply too limited for us to be at all certain of the character and degree of their religious commitment. The evidence relates to external practices, such of the membership of religious clubs known as Confraternities and the endowment of anniversary masses; but such practices might reflect custom and social pressure as much as the deeply held beliefs of committed individuals. How many of those sitting in the pews on a Sunday morning have a deep attachment to the Anglican faith? What degree of commitment are we showing to the problems of the Third World, when-we send off a cheque to Oxfam?

"And when the defence argues that the victory of Protestantism was incomplete as late as the 1570's, are they doing anything more than pointing out that there were some Islanders who objected to the new faith? There will always be those who refuse to recognise a victory; but if these objectors had been a significant force in Island life, the very same anti-Catholic legislation which reveals their presence would itself have been so unworkable as never to have been worth promulgating in the first place.

"Again, what force is there in pointing out what might have happened if Elizabeth had had as short a reign as her half-sister Mary, when we .know that she did not die in the 1560's or 1570's; when we know that England's last Catholic ruler died in 1558? Why bother with what might have happened when we know what actually occurred?

"Or, more to the point, when we know what did not occur? In England, popular support for Catholicism dominated the grievances which found expression in three serious rebellions: the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, a revolt in northern England partly precipitated by the Dissolution of the smaller monasteries: the Western Rebellion of 1549; and the Revolt of the Northern_ Earls twenty years later. But there were no such expressions of religious conservatism among the g-grievances which 16th century Jerseymen placed before their monarchs. Nor were any Jerseymen prepared to join the handful of English Catholics who trod the road to martyrdom. If the majority of Jerseymen were unhappy with the introduction of Protestantism, why did this discontent fail to find expression? As Holmes might have put it, why did the Catholic dogs fail to bark?

With this question, Advocate Balleine winds up the case for the prosecution; how will the defence respond?

“The prosecution has assumed a familiarity with the stories of Sherlock Holmes; the defence will also assume knowledge — knowledge of the ways of Man's Best Friend. Dogs bark for a good reason — they bark when they feel threatened. So when did Island Catholics start to fear that the new religion might supplant the old? Arguably, it was not until the 1560's. As late as 1562, enough Islanders were in possession of Catholic service books for the authorities to consider it necessary to order their destruction; and it is hard to see why they would have bothered unless Islanders were using these service books in acts of Catholic worship. When, four years later, permission was given for the establishment of a Presbyterian church in St Helier, the remaining Island parishes were told to 'diligently cast away all superstitions used in the said diocese (of Coutances)'. 'Superstitions' were the features of Catholic worship which did not meet with Protestant approval.

"But why was no voice raised against the confiscation of property given by the pious for religious, and specifically Catholic, purposes? It was hardly a novel departure: the Crown had been confiscating religious property in the Islands since the 14th century. More importantly, in the England of the 1530's, monasteries were numerous and their functions as much social as religious, providing employment, charity and a market for local goods Jersey was completely different. Here there was only one monastery, situated on the islet which was to become the site of Elizabeth Castle; more to the point it was in a sorry state, already in a largely derelict condition.

"But what about the sale of the wheat renter which formed the endowment for numerous anniversary masses? It is interesting that when the majority were sold off, in 1550-4551, the price set by the Commissioners was the equivalent of a mere six years purchase. It is hardly surprising that people were willing to take advantage of what was quite probably: the bargain of the decade. Most dogs can be silence, with a good bone; and for 16th century Jerseymen such bones came almost exclusively from the Crow or the Governor. From the appointment of Seymour 1537, the Governors were solidly Protestant, so was the context of patronage. In short, these Catholic dog failed to bark for a very good reason: it was not in their interests to do so. 99

And here the Advocates finally rest their cases; the Court of Jersey History rises, and the jury retires to consider its verdict A Reformation 'from below', as argued by Advocate Balleine Or a Reformation from above'? It is up to the jury to decide.

Gaza

This is not a poem about politics, except insofar as people are politics. So many are caught up in this conflict, a conflict not of their own making, but of their own suffering. I am not concerned here with the political excuses and blame games, but with mothers and children. The true cost of any war is not measured in political points, but in civilian displacement and trauma.

Gaza

My child is forgotten, one of many,
As we trek on, searching for any
Place for refuge, to call home;
Until then we simply roam
Dispossessed. The sky at night
Brightened by the shooting stars:
But these are the harbingers of Mars,
Not cosmic, but man-made,
As rockets come and many slayed;
I will fear the terror by night,
Breaking open in explosive light,
As we cower, and pray for life,
To just survive within this strife;
Rubble of fallen buildings all around:
Aftermath: cries of the wounded sound;
It was another day, and it was bad:
I weep for my children, I am sad,
That no one sees our plight,
And day brings no respite.

TESSON CHAPEL: 1861 – 2001 – Part 1

TESSON CHAPEL: 1861 – 2001 – Part 1
By Richard and Gwyneth Syvret

INTRODUCTION

In Jersey in the Middle Ages an ancient right of sanctuary for outlaws existed which enabled those accused, and possibly guilty, of crimes to take refuge in one of the twelve parish churches or its nearby cemetery. This was a parallel, although not a close one, to the establishment in Old Testament times in Israel of cities of refuge in which a person who had unwittingly killed another could live without fear of reprisal. In Jersey however long-term existence in a church or churchyard was impossible and, while the friends of an accused could bring him food there for nine days, he had after that time to take an oath to leave the Island and never return. The church authorities would then escort the outlaw down specified routes from each parish church to the sea. Whilst on such a route or 'perquage' the accused could not be arrested.

The perquages of St Mary, St John and St Lawrence met together at the point at the foot of a cotil on Les Monts Greberts in St. Peter's Valley where Tesson Chapel now stands. Looking out from the porch of the chapel, were one able to step back in time some four or five centuries, one might have seen fugitives passing occasionally from those parishes and on through Beaumont marsh to the sea of St Aubin's bay.

Such ecclesiastical arrangements did not however outlive the Reformation but what has remained for later generations is the ability to find a different but more enduring sanctuary for time and eternity in the Lord Jesus Christ.

THE BIBLE CHRISTIANS

The story of Tesson Chapel must of course begin prior to its construction and even prior to the purchase by contract dated 2nd November 1861 of the small piece of land (44 feet by 30 feet) on which it now stands by trustees representing the Bible Christian Society. The work of the society, which was later to become a part of the Methodist denomination, was commenced in Jersey on 20th August 1823 when Mary Ann Werrey arrived from England to evangelise the Island.

She was a follower of the founder of the movement - William O'Bryan (whence the nickname 'Bryanites' which was attached to members of the movement for many decades). She preached energetically both in a room used generally for dancing and in the open air. A larger room was obtained and pews and pulpit donated. By October 1823 reports regarding the missionary activities of the Society stated that many in Jersey had been blessed and converted to the Lord Jesus Christ. Mary left Jersey before the end of the year and Mary O'Bryan, daughter of William O'Bryan, took her place. Mary was then only seventeen but a preacher in both French and English.

In 1825 the Society erected a small chapel in Great Union Road St Helier. Numbers there fluctuated over the years - 69 in 1827; 14 in 1834; 100 in 1847 - but the Society continued to send itinerant preachers to labour, alongside the local people, on the Island. During the 1840s there came to settle in Jersey Mr John Cory who was a member of one of the families in England which greatly supported the Bible Christian movement. He was followed to Jersey by several of his brothers and became a leading figure in the building and maintenance of the loyal and prosperous churches established in the 1860s and 1870s in the Island.

Improvements were made in 1849 to their small chapel at Great Union Road and these enabled it to seat 700 when opened in January 1850. That chapel was further enlarged in 1864.

It was from the work at Great Union Road that a Sabbath school for children developed in St Lawrence Valley.

This Sunday school was a satellite work of the main St Helier Sunday school and a lease for two rooms at "St. Lawrence Valley" for £3 per annum was agreed in June 1858, it being decided at the same meeting to take down the partitions dividing the rooms. The positions of superintendent and co-superintendent at St Lawrence Valley were filled from time to time from those engaged in the children's work at Great Union Road. Names like Scard, Job, Bragg and Newbury feature in those positions in the second half of the 1850s. A practice seems to have grown up of combining a tea for the pupils there with an outing for the townsfolk. Combined numbers envisaged were thirty children and fifty adults in 1857 in late summer.

THE WORK COMMENCES

The year 1861 however became a turning point for the Sunday school at St Lawrence Valley because the elders of Great Union Road chapel in October of that year received a report from a special committee appointed relative to the building of a chapel in the valley. On November 2nd 1861 trustees purchased the land from Mr and Mrs Richard Simes for £5. The trustees were bound by the deed of purchase to conform to the orders and directions of the 'conference' of the Bible Christian Society both in respect of the ground and of the chapel that would be built on it.

The chapel building itself was erected on a piecework basis with certain individuals responsible for each aspect of the construction. The work commenced in November 1861 and went on through to the summer of 1862. One record shows a total cost including land of just over £163, another £135, A part of the money needed was borrowed for the purpose from individuals - mainly from a Mrs Burton who advanced £50 -and by June 1866 £60 of debt remained outstanding. The Bible Christian Trustees on the island however, in the year to June 1866, had much larger financial matters on their hands, Great Union Road chapel had recently been enlarged and work had commenced at Gorey with initial borrowings of £300.

In 1867 the foundation stone of a new church designed to seat 1200 people was laid in Royal Crescent, Don Road, St Helier on the site of an old theatre and, whereas by 1880 no debt was outstanding for St Lawrence chapel, the total circuit debt was £3,305

What of the spiritual work of St Lawrence chapel during this time however? Weil, the first recorded service there was on 7th September 1862. Quite a number of seat rentals were charged (at one shilling per quarter year) and until 1868 the only Sunday service each week was in the morning, this being altered to 3 p.m. in November of that year. The chapel was part of the circuit that appointed and supported two full time ministers and it participated in the missionary endeavour (for which the Bible Christians were noted) by having missionary speakers on a weeknight. The key work however does seem to have remained with the Sunday school. A number of changes of superintendent occurred and there was talk of a library for the valley school. The circuit Sunday school outing was also held each year at St Lawrence Valley - in 1864 for 350 persons, in 1869 the 'Mill Room' being requested (presumably a room in Tesson Mill) for 200 and in 1871 the chapel when 100 persons were expected.

The register of baptisms solemnised by the Bible Christian Minister in the Jersey circuit for that period show at least three infant baptisms at St Lawrence chapel in those years (1865, 1871, 1875). The children concerned were the offspring of Samuel Gilley who was a miller - probably again at Tesson Mill. In 1864 the chapel had 9 members (compared with 179 for the circuit), in 1870 15 members and in 1874 6 members. In the latter year a decision was taken to discontinue the preaching service although missionary and deputation meetings remained.

By 1880 the membership had fallen to three (circuit - 243) and the scene was beginning to be set for another change.

DECLINE AND CLOSURE

In 1883 a decision was taken to close the chapel and to request the trustees to sell it. The sale cannot have been proceeded with however for on 18th June 1884 the report of the circuit minister - Revd. John Luke - was that "at St Lawrence, where we have re-opened our chapel, we do not find much to encourage".

It would seem that Beaumont had more residents at that time than the area of St Peter's Valley where Tesson Chapel now stands because in March 1886 it was decided by the Bible Christian Trustees to purchase from a Mr Voisin the Friendly Hall at Beaumont with St Lawrence chapel being transferred to him as part consideration. This however also did not materialise.

Instead, on 29th October 1888 Mr. James Cory, one of the trustees, auctioned the property following a decision of the trustees to that effect. Advertisements had been placed in four Jersey newspapers and the reserve price of £80 was also the selling price. Two days later decisions were taken regarding the disposal of the harmonium, seats, inside porch, rostrum and other items. The net proceeds of sale were shared equally between Great Union Road, Royal Crescent, Gorey and St Martin's chapels and the general circuit funds.

Guernsey in 1974 – Part 4

Guernsey in 1974 – Part 4

Guernsey in 1974 – Part 4

This is an extract from Peter Haining’s guide book of 1974, which is as much interest today for the historian as to the tourist, as many of the places and industries described in his book have long vanished. Please do not take it as a current guide. Italics are my notes on the situation today.

St. Sampson:

St. Sampson is the only other port apart from St. Peter Port on Guernsey. It has lost some of its importance in recent years with the slowing down in exports of granite, once a very large industry in the hinterland just behind the harbour. (Old granite quarries and mills are still visible there today.)

Despite this St. Sampson is worth visiting as it is now a centre for boat repairing and craft of all shapes and sizes can be seen in the dry docks. Coal, timber and oil are also delivered here.

 St. Sampson has transitioned from a gritty 19th-century granite-exporting and commercial cargo port into a modern residential and leisure boating hub. While old granite quarries are now utilized as freshwater storage reservoirs and the inner harbor has become a marina, traditional commercial operations like coal deliveries and dry dock repairs are largely outdated. You can read more about Guernsey's history and geography.

On the actual seashore is St. Sampson’s Church, the oldest on the island, which dates from the 12th Century. St. Sampson, an English monk, landed on the island in the 6th Century and built a tiny chapel which was later replaced by the present church. He is now regarded as the Patron Saint of Guernsey and has a feast day on July 28th. He is also credited with a number of miracles, including banishing all moles, toads and snakes from the island. (It is interesting to note that these types of creatures are still never found on Guernsey.)

Samson of Dol, a Celtic missionary monk traveling from Dunmonia in England and Brittany, landed on this exact spot around 550 AD and erected a primitive timber chapel or oratory, introducing Christianity to Guernsey. It is true that Guernsey has no native snakes or moles. However, this is due to post-glacial geography (the island separated from continental Europe earlier than neighbouring Jersey, preventing these slow-moving animals from colonizing the landmass), not a miracle.

There are several monuments to seamen in the harbour — all in French—and one of them (commemorating Daniel de Lisle Brock) is believed to have been a menhir. 

Daniel de Lisle Brock was one of Guernsey's most celebrated historic Bailiffs (serving from 1821 to 1842). Near the slipway at St. Sampson's Harbour, there is a large, upright granite pillar erected in his memory. Local antiquarians and modern archaeologists strongly believe this stone was originally a prehistoric megalithic menhir (standing stone) repurposed by the islanders.

A further strange memorial is to be found in St. Sampson’s Church, and it must surely be among the most unusual. The tablet reports the death of Thomas Falla, an 18-yearold Guernsey Lieutenant, who was killed in the Siege of Seringapatam in 1799. What killed him was a 26 lb. cannon ball which lodged itself between the two bones of one of his thighs—and went undiscovered by the surgeon who examined him! The explanation given later when the unfortunate man eventually died and a post-mortem was carried out, was that the hole made by the shot had become so inflamed that it had closed over, leaving the ball further hidden behind the thigh bones. A working knowledge of French is needed to read the tablet—but this does not prevent anyone from feeling horrified amazement at the incredible tale it tells.

The French-inscribed marble tablet is located exactly inside St. Sampson's Parish Church. Lieutenant Thomas Falla of the 12th Regiment of Foot was wounded on 6 April 1799 during the assault on Tipu Sultan’s stronghold in India. The guidebook's gruesome medical details are completely correct: a massive, heavy solid-iron shot did indeed pass deep into his thigh and wedge perfectly between his femur and surrounding structure. Because the entry wound was heavily swollen and inflamed, the military surgeon missed it during a physical examination.Falla tragically survived in agonizing pain for six hours after the injury before dying, at which point the military doctors extracted the ball during a post-mortem to the absolute shock of the regiment. The plaque remains a popular spot for dark-tourism enthusiasts visiting the church today.

Re-Emerging Christian Thinkers: G.K. Chesterton

G.K. Chesterton is experiencing a significant resurgence among contemporary Christians who value his unique blend of childlike wonder, masterful use of paradox, and sharp intellectual defence of orthodox Christian faith. Decades after his death in 1936, groups like the Society of G.K. Chesterton (formerly the American Chesterton Society) have fuelled a renewed interest in his massive library of over 80 books and thousands of essays. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]

Modern readers are reappraising Chesterton's work for several distinct reasons:

1. The Dynamic View of Orthodoxy

Chesterton famously flipped the idea that secularism is daring and religion is boring. In his masterpiece Orthodoxy, he presented the Christian faith as a wild, romantic adventure—describing orthodoxy not as a stagnant cage, but as a "chariot thundering through the ages, swerving past heresy after heresy and staying upright by an inch". This positioning appeals directly to modern believers looking for a lively, resilient, and counter-cultural faith. [4, 6, 7]

 
2. A Philosophy of Wonder and Gratitude

In an age plagued by cynicism and mental exhaustion, Chesterton’s emphasis on "cosmic gratitude" serves as a spiritual antidote. He viewed the mere existence of the universe as a wilful miracle and an invitation to wonder. His realization that "the world involved magic" and therefore "involved a magician" provides a simple yet profound framework for intelligent design and faith. [2, 3]

3. Lasting Influence on Major Thinkers

Chesterton’s writing continues to be studied because of how heavily it shaped the pillars of modern Christian apologetics: [7]

C.S. Lewis: Noted that Chesterton's The Everlasting Man was integral to his conversion from atheism, calling it the "best popular apologetic" he knew.

Archbishop Fulton Sheen: Credited Chesterton as the single greatest influence on his own writing style.
Contemporary Authors: High-profile writers like Philip Yancey openly cite Chesterton as a primary anchor for their spiritual direction. [7]

4. Socio-political Relevance

Chesterton does not fit neatly into modern political boxes, which makes him highly attractive to independent thinkers. While conservative Christians praise his defence of the traditional family, his skepticism toward mainstream media, and his battle against raw scientific materialism, he was also a fierce opponent of unbridled capitalism. Alongside Hilaire Belloc, he championed Distributivism—an economic philosophy rooted in Catholic social teaching that advocates for the wide distribution of property ownership rather than its concentration in the hands of the state or mega-corporations. [1]

 
5. Pop Culture Presence

Chesterton's ability to weave profound theological insights into popular fiction ensures his ideas reach beyond academic circles. His fictional Roman Catholic priest-detective is widely known globally through the long-running BBC period drama Father Brown, which uses the character's deep understanding of human sin and divine mercy to solve crimes without relying on graphic violence. [1, 8]


[1] https://www.wsj.com
[2] https://reformedjournal.com
[3] https://www.youtube.com
[4] https://www.facebook.com
[5] https://www.youtube.com
[6] https://www.facebook.com
[7] https://www.logos.com
[8] https://www.themoviedb.org

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 3

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 3

See also the other two parts:

An Introduction

https://tonymusings.blogspot.com/2026/10/proofs-and-refutations-in-historical.html

The Ultra-Literary Camp: Robyn Faith Walsh and Ian Mills

https://tonymusings.blogspot.com/2026/10/proofs-and-refutations-in-historical_01499385032.html

When we map Imre Lakatos’s four strategies onto the high-stakes battlefield of Gospel scholarship, we can see exactly why NT scholars and historical-Jesus researchers rarely change their minds.

Because the text of the Gospels is ancient, complex, and open to interpretation, it provides the perfect raw material for academics to build a "Protective Belt" around their core theories.

In these posts, I will illustrate how historians deploy the four basic Lakatosian strategies to defend their views against troublesome textual data:

N.T. Wright

A Lakatosian critic analyzing N.T. Wright would deliver a diagnosis that is the exact mirror image of the one given to Walsh and Mills.

While the ultra-literary camp is running a degenerating research program by choking on obvious historical data, Wright is running what Lakatos would call a "Hyper-Progressive but Insulated Research Program." 

Wright’s model possesses immense, spectacular explanatory power, but a Lakatosian critic would point out that he has built his "Hard Core" so masterfully that it has become a closed loop, almost completely impossible to ever falsify.

Here is exactly what a Lakatosian critic would say to N.T. Wright:

1. "Your 'Protective Belt' is Actually a Black Hole"

Lakatos argued that a robust research program needs a protective belt of auxiliary hypotheses to absorb anomalies. Wright’s protective belt is one of the most brilliant ever constructed in modern intellectual history, but a critic would warn that it acts like a black hole: it swallows every single counterexample and magically turns it into proof.

• The Anomaly: The historical Jesus was a first-century Jew who explicitly preached that the literal, cosmic end of the world would happen within his generation (the Albert Schweitzer / Dale Allison thesis). History kept moving; therefore, Jesus was factually mistaken.

• Wright's Defense (Monster-Adjusting): Wright sweeps in and redefines "apocalyptic language." He argues that when Jesus talked about stars falling from heaven and the Son of Man coming on the clouds, he was using standard Jewish political metaphors for the fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD.

• The Lakatosian Critique: A critic would look at this and say: "Dr. Wright, you have engineered a classic Lakatosian linguistic trick. By redefining 'apocalypse' to mean 'geopolitics,' you have ensured that no matter how many failed end-of-the-world verses someone hurls at your Jesus, your theory can never be falsified. You have insulated your Hard Core from reality."

2. "You are Using 'Lemma-Incorporation' as an Apologetic Shield"

As we noted earlier, when faced with the glaring historical contradictions between the various Gospel resurrection accounts (the different women, the conflicting locations of appearances), Wright uses lemma-incorporation. He argues that these messy, un-harmonized discrepancies are the exact proof that the stories are raw, first-generation eyewitness memories, because a later church inventing a myth would have cleaned up the contradictions.

A Lakatosian critic would smile at the sheer brilliance of this, but issue a stern methodological warning:

"You have created a 'Heads I win, Tails you lose' scenario. If the text is perfectly harmonious, you will argue it proves historical accuracy. If the text is messy and contradictory, you argue that the messiness proves historical accuracy. When both harmony and contradiction serve as proof for your thesis, you are no longer doing Popperian falsifiable history; you are running an insulated Lakatosian protective program disguised as historical science."

Your Program is Progressive, but at the Cost of Historical Neutrality"

To be fair to Wright, a Lakatosian critic would highly praise him for having a "Progressive" research program. Unlike Walsh and Mills, who are constantly stuck on the defensive trying to explain away clunky text, Wright’s multi-volume Christian Origins and the Question of God series has immense "heuristic power." It elegantly connects Second Temple Judaism, the psychology of Jesus, the explosion of the early Church, and the theology of Paul into one grand, unified narrative framework. It naturally predicts and explains why the early Christians behaved the way they did.

However, the Lakatosian critic would deliver their final verdict: Wright’s entire historical edifice is built upon a profound, hidden metaphysical commitment (his faith).

Because Wright is operating within a confessional paradigm, his "Hard Core" (that Jesus is the Messiah who rose from the dead) is an absolute, immovable theological axiom. He will deploy every Lakatosian strategy in existence - barring monsters, adjusting definitions, and inventing auxiliary hypotheses about Jewish metaphors—to ensure that his historical reconstruction perfectly aligns with orthodox Christian theology. He hasn't broken the mirror; he has just built a massive, beautifully decorated, historical-theological cathedral around it.

Next Monday - James D.G. Dunn

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 4

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 4
(The Reformation in Jersey)
By Jason St John Nicolle
From "The Pilot", 1991

Part IV The Victory of Protestantism

SO the Court of Jersey History reconvenes once more; the jury take their seats, and Advocate Balleine rises to his feet.

Last month, the counsel for the defence argued that it would be wrong to assume that Jerseymen and women were dissatisfied with Catholicism on the eve of the Reformation, and I am prepared to accept that Islanders continued to spend time and money on ensuring the provision of anniversary masses, even as late as the 1540's.

"But so what? Whatever the popularity of pre-Reformation Catholicism, it did not prevent Protestantism from gaining a strong and almost immediate hold over the hearts and minds of Islanders. Their religious enthusiasm was simply transferred from the old faith to the new.

"It took but five years for the Reformed faith to achieve its victory. The official propagation of the new faith seems to have begun in 1548, when the first moves were made towards confiscating church property. The same year saw the start of the destruction of 'objects of superstition', such as wayside crosses, stained glass and statues, as well as a States' grant to two Frenchmen, Martin Langeois and Thomas Johanne, for 'teaching the people the pure and sincere word of God, according to the Gospel text.' They must have been effective teachers: less than two years later„ we find the King's Counsellors writing to thank the Island for 'earnestly following and embracing his Majesty's laws and proceedings in the order of the Divine Service and ministration of the Sacrament.'

"The re-imposition of Catholicism during the short reign of Mary, Edward's successor, merely served to underline the Island's commitment to the Reformed Faith. Some of the Island clergy resigned their livings rather than renounce their Protestantism. A Calvinist chronicler, writing in Jersey some thirty years later, tells of Islanders who used to cross over to Protestant churches in Normandy, having 'no wish to assist at Mass or in the Idolatry and Superstition of the Papists.' And on Mary's death in 1558, the Island lost no time in reasserting its Protestantism; within a year, the English government was commending its conformity to the new Elizabethan Church Settlement. By 1562, Jersey's Protestantism was being held up as an example to her recalcitrant sister Island.

"All in all, the evidence points to but one conclusion: the victory of Protestantism was complete by the early 1550's. So the prosecution has re-affirmed the case for a Reformation "from below"; how will the defence respond?

Was Protestantism really established in Jersey by the early 1550's? Let us consider the evidence on which the prosecution has based its case.

"We should not make too much of the letter of 1550, praising the Islanders for 'earnestly following and embracing' the new Protestant services. If the King's Counsellors were certain of the Island's commitment to the new faith, why does so much of the letter go on to deal with what the Islanders should do 'percase any scruple or doubt arise' amongst them? If they had already willingly embraced the new faith, why do the Counsellors finish up with a heavy-handed reference to the benefits of conformity: 'whereby his Highness in all your reasonable suits may be more and more inclined to be your good and gracious lord and we the readier to advance the same .. .'?

"We should always be suspicious of taking such public letters at their face value, especially when their authors have no first-hand knowledge of the situation they are describing. Fortunately we can compare the official version of events against a much more reliable source: the private correspondence which passed between the Duke of Somerset and Henry Cornish, his Lieutenant on the Island. Part of their correspondence has survived, and can be found amongst the Seymour Papers at Longleat House in Wiltshire. Two letters from 1549 show Cornish worried about the activities of certain preachers who were going about the Island persuading the 'poor and ignorant' that Catholicism would be restored. Catholic priests were still preaching against the new faith some three years later, when we learn from another source that such a sermon had caused a tumult at St Martin's.

"But what about all those Jerseymen who refused to accept the re-imposition of Catholicism under Mary? Is it not significant that the Calvinist chronicler can only come up with the names of some fourteen 'men of means' who did so, when the population of Jersey numbered about seven or eight thousand? And does not seem strange that there is no reference to underground Protestant churches in Jersey, tending the flame of the true faith during the Marian night?

"And did the accession of a young Protestant prince really affirm the Victory of Protestantism in his realms and dominions? If Elizabeth had died after short reign, or indeed at any time in the 1560's or 70' she would have been succeeded on the throne by Catholic — Mary Queen of Scots. Jersey's conformity might well be held up as an example by outsiders, but the Island authorities were bothered about Catholic sympathisers well into the 1560's, ordering destruction of Catholic service books and a public flogging for a man caught asserting the truth of the faith. In short, even twenty years after its introduction into Jersey, the Victory of Protestantism was far from complete.

At this point, the jury see Advocate Balleine rising on more to address the court. How will he respond to to arguments put forward by the defence? Unfortunately, they will have to wait another month to find out.

An Echo of the Train

Written as we approach the death of my dear Annie on 13th October 2009. A trip to the steam museum the other day brought back memories, and the trains which we used to enjoy riding at the Steam Fayres, now sadly also a memory of a lovely past. 

An Echo of the Train

A trip to nostalgia and sadness past
Glory days when the train departs
Until one day, final whistle at last
Memory of love lost, of lonelyhearts

Streaming round the well worn track
Sitting in the carriages, watch the view
Wheels on the rails, go clack, clack, clack
Such were days of joy, of me and you

A stranger train had left one black day
Into a tunnel, darkness hides the light
And my dear, no words enough to say
Death’s one way journey into night

Now an echo of a train haunts me still
Nostalgia can sometimes be a bitter pill

1986 - 40 years ago - October Part 2

1986 - 40 years ago - October Part 2

October 20-26

A 19-year-old girl, Miss Angela McReady, dies after she is the victim of an early morning hit-and-run accident in Don Road. A 36¬year-old man alleged to have been the driver of the car involved in the incident helps police with their inquiries.

Bail is strongly opposed by the police when Bruce Andrew Hanton (25), appears in the Police Court and reserves his plea to assaulting amateur boxer Mr Lyndon Marquer with a hammer.

The Longueville Manor Hotel is the only Jersey hotel mentioned in "The Good Hotel Guide 1987". The guide says that Longueville Manor is the most agreeable hotel in the Channel Islands "without too much competition".

The murder trial of Jose Nelio de Azevedo is postponed for a second time because there are insufficient jurors available.

Jersey's Medical Officer of Health, Dr Anthony Essex-Cater, says that AIDS has not yet made an appearance in the Island, although two carriers of the disease have been identified in Guernsey.

The manslaughter charge faced by Mary Jane Gourlay (20), who was accused in June of unlawfully killing her heroin addict boyfriend, is dropped. Gourlay, who remains in custody after a Royal Court appearance, admits administering a noxious substance so as to endanger life.

A performance of "Coriolanus" at the Arts Centre, in which one of the performers appears naked, is banned by the Bailiff, Mr Peter Crill.

Air UK cut single air fares to Southampton to as little as £19 in a bid to attract customers from British Channel Island Ferries.

27 October-2 November

A 19-year-old girl, Miss Angela McReady, of Glasgow, is killed in a 1 a.m. hit-and-run accident in Don Road. John William Scott (36), is later detained by the police and charged with failing to stop and report an accident.

Jersey's oil companies are slammed over their pricing policies in a States Committee of Inquiry report on fuel oil supply and distribution in the Island. The report calls for a cut in the price of petrol of at least 10p.

Police hunt a masked raider following a £500 post office robbery during which sub-postmistress Mrs Betty Morel is attacked with a kitchen knife.




Magistrate Mr Bob Day resigns over what he describes as the inefficiency of Police Court organisation.

Detectives question a young Jerseyman about a break-in with a difference ... it is alleged that he entered La Moye Prison to deliver cigarettes to a friend.

The States Police Association protests about pay talks with the Establishment Committee, saying that "negotiations haven't broken down; there haven't been any".

Taxi driver Mr Reg Hawkins receives the Police/Jersey Evening Post Outstanding Citizen award for his part in catching a drunken driver.

Island Development Committee president Senator John Le Sueur is accused of "misleading the States" in a debate on the rezoning of land for a new 18-hole golf course.

Guernsey in 1974 – Part 3

Guernsey in 1974 – Part 3

This is an extract from Peter Haining’s guide book of 1974, which is as much interest today for the historian as to the tourist, as many of the places and industries described in his book have long vanished. Please do not take it as a current guide.

St. Peter Port

St. Peter Port is said by many people to be the most attractive harbour in the Channel Islands. The town nestles on a hillside overlooking the multi-coloured array of ships and boats of all sizes, and has an old world atmosphere which is quite unique. The streets are narrow and wind between tier upon tier of old houses—some of which have remained unchanged for centuries.

 

The early history of the port is none too clear, but it is known that by the 14th Century it was a bustling market town safeguarded against attack. The market was built in 1780 and soon became the centre of business affairs. Here the islanders bought and sold fish, meat, flowers, fruit and vegetables. In succeeding years the market was added to and the various States Buildings erected.

 In the early 2000s, the historic Town Market Buildings underwent a massive redevelopment. Instead of independent Victorian butchers and fishermen hawking raw goods, the imposing granite arches now house a modern supermarket (underneath the original fish-scale roof tiles), high-street retailers, the Guille-Allès Library, and a bustling public courtyard

Not far from the market is the Guille-Alles Library which was created by two Guernseymen with an urge to make their fellow countrymen read. Their task in the early years was anything but easy, and it was not until 1886 that the library as it is seen today took shape. The library is worth visiting both for its extensive range of volumes (which can be borrowed by visitors on payment of a subscription) and the record it contains of the German Occupation of Guernsey. Open daily (except Sunday) 9.10 a.m. to 12.45 p.m. and 1.45 p.m. to 5 p.m.

The library ran as a paid subscription service for nearly a century. However, in 1981, following severe financial difficulties, the States of Guernsey partnered with the Guille-Allès Trust to make the library completely free for the public.  Tourists no longer pay a "subscription". Instead, holidaymakers can sign up for a temporary Visitor Card by providing a fully returnable £15 deposit. The archaic lunch hour closure was abolished decades ago. The modern opening times are seamlessly continuous, featuring late-night access.

Guernsey has another library, named after its donor. Osmond Priaulx, in Candie Road, which has a very comprehensive reference library and a huge collection of rare books and fascinating old documents about the island. It is open to the public daily from 10.30 a.m. to 1 p.m. and 2 p.m. to 4.30 p.m. Across the road from the Priaulx is Candie Gardens which is a riot of coloured flowers during the season and also boasts a lemon tree which regularly produces fruit. 

In the vicinity is the Victoria Tower, a tall, medieval-looking turret, which stands on the site of an old windmill. It was built in 1846 to commemorate the visit of Queen Victoria and a climb to the top presents the visitor with one of the finest views of the harbour and coastline. The key to gain entry to the tower may be obtained from the Fire Station opposite.

The Priaulx Library and Candie Gardens details remain largely accurate, though opening hours have been extended to 9:30 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. on weekdays. While Victoria Tower commemorates Queen Victoria's 1846 visit, the key to access the interior is now obtained from the Guernsey Museum at Candie rather than the nearby Fire Station.

Turning back towards the harbour, it is not too long a walk to the Parish Church and the Lukis and Island Museum. The Parish Church is generally agreed to be one of the finest ecclesiastical buildings in the Channel Islands. There is believed to have been a wooden church on the "site since at least 1048, but it seems that the present stone building did not begin to take shape until about the 12th Century. It is well worth paying a visit.

Formally known as Sancti Petri de Portu, the very first historical record of the Town Church dates to 1048 when William of Normandy granted it to the Abbot of Marmoutier. The core stone architecture began taking its current shape in the 12th century.

The Lukis and Island Museum on Tower Hill is arranged in the house of the man who was mainly responsible for its formation, Captain Lukis. The majority of the exhibits are relics from the tumuli and dolmens which have been excavated on Guernsey. For those who have spent time looking at the island’s numerous prehistoric remains, this collection should come as the finale. It is open daily (except Sundays and Wednesdays) from 10.30 a.m. to 1 p.m. and 2 p.m. to 4 p.m.

The museum on Tower Hill no longer exists. In 1978, the States of Guernsey opened the purpose-built Guernsey Museum & Art Gallery inside Candie Gardens. The entire Lukis collection of prehistoric stone tools, ancient pottery, and dolmen artifacts was moved there, where it serves as the crown jewel of the island's permanent archaeology exhibits today.

The former home of the museum at St. Barnabas Church now houses the official Island Archives, which preserves historical documents and public records for the Bailiwick. 

The Royal Court House is another building with historical association which is often missed by the visitor because of its situation on the heights above the town. Originally built in 1799, the building serves as police court, office of Le Greffe (records department where ancient and modern documents about the island are kept) and assembly room for the States’ meetings. These gatherings are open to the general public and presided over by the Bailiff, Mr. J. H. Loveridges who combines the function of Prime Minister and Mr. Speaker. Also in attendance are the 12 conseillers, the 33 deputies, the douzaine (or parish council) representatives, the Island clergy, and the Crown Officers. The Magistrate’s court sits every Monday, Wednesday and Friday in the mornings and can be attended by the public.

Following a historic public referendum, Guernsey entirely dismantled its traditional parish-based electoral districts. The modern parliamentary structure of the States of Deliberation comprises:38 People's Deputies: All 38 are elected from one single, island-wide constituency. Under this plurality-at-large system, every voter on the island's electoral roll receives up to 38 votes to cast across the entire pool of candidates. 2 Alderney Representatives: Chosen from the States of Alderney to represent their specific island interests. Presiding Officers & Law Officers: The Bailiff (or Deputy Bailiff) presides over meetings, alongside His Majesty's Procureur and Comptroller (who have speaking rights but cannot vote). This completely eliminates the 1974 structure. There are no longer dedicated parish deputies or institutional seats reserved for the island clergy or douzaine (parish council) representatives in the primary legislative parliament.

Of all the sights in St. Peter Port, there is none to match Castle Cornet which sits splendidly in the harbour at the end of its causeway. Built in the early part of the 13th Century, it has been considerably reconstructed during its history, and for a time in the Middle Ages served as the seat of government of the Channel Islands when Jersey and Guernsey were administered together. It is crowded with history, and during the Occupation when it was used by the Germans, Hitler considered it one of his “prize” captures. There is a comprehensive museum in the castle which illustrates both the uses to which it was put and the men who commanded it. An easy way of telling whether the castle is open or not is to look for the Guernsey flag flying over the gateway. The actual hours are 10.30 a.m. to 12.30 p.m. and 2.30 p.m. to 6 p.m. on week days; and it is closed on Saturday afternoon but open on Sunday morning.

Castle Cornet in St. Peter Port features a rich history dating back to the 13th century and served as a heavily fortified stronghold during the German Occupation of World War II. Modern visitor access has been significantly updated, with the site now featuring five distinct museums and continuous daily operating hours from 10:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. during its seasonal opening period. You can read more about Castle Cornet on Visit Guernsey.

On The Esplanade at Picquet House is the headquarters of the Guernsey Railway Co. which run the island’s extremely efficient bus service (there is no railway, however!) Timetables and details of services can be obtained here, plus information about the numerous tours of Guernsey which the company operate (Central 78).

The claim that the Guernsey Railway Co. operates the island's bus service from Picquet House is historically accurate for a past era but entirely obsolete today. The modern transit network is coordinated via the States of Guernsey with current timetables and information available through official transport channels, while Picquet House has since transitioned out of use as a transport headquarters. For current timetable and travel information, visit States of Guernsey.

The harbour is a showpiece in itself, with a constant flow of boats in and out. Its history goes back many centuries, but the actual breakwaters and quays visible now were not begun until 1853. Today ships from England and the Continent dock here daily: some bringing tourists, others to collect the island produce of tomatoes and flowers. Pleasure trips to the other Channel Islands also use the area extensively, as do local fishermen and visiting yachtsmen.

An interesting reminder of the harbour’s past is contained in the name of a narrow road opposite the south-west corner, ““Rue des Vaches’’—‘*‘Cow Lane’’. It was here that cattle who had been brought over from France for slaughter were landed. The unfortunate animals could not be taken off on a quay so therefore they were pushed overboard from the ships and forced to swim to shore. Finally they were herded up the narrow lane to the abattoir.

Historical records confirm that the construction of the modern St. Peter Port artificial harbour officially began on August 24, 1853, following centuries of earlier maritime use. Accounts of cattle being pushed overboard from French vessels to swim ashore before being herded up Rue des Vaches (Cow Lane) to the local abattoir are also historically accurate. 

For the visitor interested in tracing the extent of the walls which once encircled St. Peter Port, there are six granite stones scattered about the town centre. Five of these are built into the sides of buildings and must be sought carefully—but the sixth, just outside the General Post Office in Smith Street, is clearly spotted by a brass plaque which reads: “This stone is one of the six stones erected by order of the Royal Court in 1700 to mark the sites of the gates of the town when in the XIV century, St. Peter Port was walled in for defensive purposes.”’ Together these stones provide an intriguing reminder of the past. )

While the historical physical artefacts are precisely where the author claims, the 14th-century "town wall" history is entirely a myth, and the landmark building mentioned has closed its doors. here are indeed exactly six carved granite stones placed around the town centre. They are officially known as the Barrières de la Ville (Town Barriers).  

Modern archaeology and Guernsey Museums research have comprehensively debunked the idea that St. Peter Port was ever a medieval walled city. While the Royal Court did secure a licence to build town defences in 1350, no evidence has ever been found to prove walls or large stone defensive gateways were actually built.

What are the stones actually for? The Royal Court ordered the placement of these stones in 1700 to mark the legal administrative boundaries (the tax and parish borders) of the town. Within these boundary lines, specific town laws applied regarding property division, vagrancy, and commerce.

The Brass Plaque and Location: The guidebook correctly notes that the sixth stone sits outside the General Post Office in Smith Street. It is carved with the words "Barrières de la Ville. 1700". But the iconic Smith Street Post Office permanently closed its doors after its multi-decade lease expired. Guernsey Post relocated its central town services down the hill to a modernized counter inside the Co-op store at the Market Buildings. While the building has changed uses, the historic boundary stone and its brass plaque remain embedded on the pavement outside for passing historical enthusiasts to find.

If you look for them today, you can find the stones integrated into the architecture at:

Smith Street (Outside the former Post Office)

The Pollet (Opposite Moore’s Hotel)

The Town Church (On the seaward side)

Cornet Street (At the top of the street near Tower Steps)

Fountain Street / Rosemary Lane (At the foot of the steps)

Jerriais: A Few Comments

Jèrriais was not an official legislative or administrative language for most of its history; it was officially adopted as an official language of the States Assembly alongside English and French only recently, in 2019

What, exactly, makes Jersey Jersey? Some had said Jerriais. But it is surely not just language. If you look at the broad sweep of history, distinctively Jersey aspects have changed over the centuries. Some things have vanished completely. Pre-Norman Jersey probably was more aligned to Breton, and had the Brythonic language.

Before the 933 AD annexation of the Channel Islands by William Longsword, Duke of Normandy, Jersey’s linguistic landscape was a complex, evolving layer of Celtic, Roman, and Germanic influences.

During the 9th century, the Channel Islands fell explicitly under the political sphere and hegemony of the Kingdom of Brittany under leaders like Erispoe and Salomon. The Brythonic language and the Latin names of the Islands (the Antonine Maritime Itinerary) was lost. St Brelade is one of the few legacy saints of the Celtic times.

What truly sets the island apart is that because it is a tidal island. So Jèrriais didn't just differ from the mainland Normandy, it fractured into micro-dialects from parish to parish. Historically, a speaker from the western parish of St. Ouen pronounced vowels entirely differently, used different vocabulary, and could be immediately distinguished from a speaker living just a few miles east in Faldouet or St. Martin.

But the decline means that just one dialect is taught. The modern revival of Jèrriais has been intentionally standardized around the St Ouen dialect. The distinct phonetic markers of eastern parishes like St Martin or Trinity have mostly faded from active daily speech as the last generation of those native speakers passes away.

The 12th-century Jersey-born poet Wace wrote in Anglo-Norman/Old Norman (Roman de Brut, Roman de Rou). While this represents the historical root of the Romance dialect family on the island, Wace's medieval Norman is linguistically distant from modern spoken Jèrriais. To say he was the first person to write in Jerriais is really to stretch historical credibility too far.

Before the 1780s, Jèrriais was purely an oral tongue. If islanders wrote, they used standard "lé bouôn français" (good French) for legal documents, court proceedings, and church services. By the mid-1800s, Jèrriais writing shifted from casual newspaper columns into serious literature. Inspired by the global success of Robert Burns writing in local Scots, Jersey writers decided to deliberately preserve their spoken tongue in print.

The written system used today is entirely modern and completely different from Wace’s medieval text. The script, orthography, and visual style of modern Jèrriais were forged in the 19th and 20th centuries to capture sounds that Wace never would have recognized.

When 19th-century writers began writing Jèrriais down systematically, they didn't have an unbroken spelling tradition dating back to the Middle Ages. They had to invent an orthography on the spot, using Standard French spelling as their anchor. Because Jèrriais contains sounds that do not exist in Standard French, they had to invent completely new visual system

So to focus alone on Jerriais as distinctly Jersey is I think flawed: (a) it was not the main language until after Norman annexation (b) Jerriais comes from roots in the Norman French of the time (as with Wace) but modern Jerriais is linguistically very different because it evolved since then (c) it has many dialects and what we have now is just one variation (d) the modern written form dates mainly from the 18th century, not exactly ancient!

I'm not saying it is not worth keeping in some form or other, but I do want to dispel the idea that we are preserving something very ancient which had not changed.

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 2

Part 1 at: http://tonymusings.blogspot.com/2026/10/proofs-and-refutations-in-historical.html

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 2

When we map Imre Lakatos’s four strategies onto the high-stakes battlefield of Gospel scholarship, we can see exactly why NT scholars and historical-Jesus researchers rarely change their minds.

Because the text of the Gospels is ancient, complex, and open to interpretation, it provides the perfect raw material for academics to build a "Protective Belt" around their core theories.

In these posts, I will illustrate how historians deploy the four basic Lakatosian strategies to defend their views against troublesome textual data:

Because the text of the Gospels is ancient, complex, and open to interpretation, it provides the perfect raw material for academics to build a "Protective Belt" around their core theories.

The Ultra-Literary Camp: Robyn Faith Walsh and Ian Mills

• The Hard Core: The Gospels are not folk products born out of oral tradition or religious "communities"; they are deliberate, highly sophisticated Greco-Roman literary compositions crafted by educated elite desk-editors.

• The Anomaly: The clunky, unpolished, non-literary Aramaic linguistic "gems" embedded in the Greek text of Mark (e.g., Talitha koum, Ephphatha, Abba), alongside seemingly raw, disjointed narrative segments (pericopes). These look exactly like fragments of oral storytelling caught mid-stream.

The Lakatosian Defence (Monster-Adjusting / Exception-Barring):

Robyn Faith Walsh utilizes monster-adjusting. She argues that these Aramaic phrases are not passive carryovers from an oral community. Instead, they are highly intentional literary devices called mimesis or "local colour". Elite Roman authors frequently dropped foreign, exotic words into their text to make the setting feel authentic to the reader.

Ian Mills handles the disjointed narrative variations by framing them through the Hellenistic concept of a "hypothesis"—arguing that ancient readers and writers expected stories to be multi-layered riffs on a common plot core, completely detaching the variations from any alleged oral folk tradition.

An example:

When an outsider reads a Gospel text and encounters a raw Aramaic phrase like Talitha koum ("Little girl, get up") or Abba, or notices that a story reads like a choppy, disjointed anecdote, our natural intuition screams oral history. It looks exactly like a fragment of spoken memory that was caught mid-stream and awkwardly translated into Greek.

When Walsh and Mills counter this by arguing that these phrases are actually highly sophisticated literary devices (mimesis) designed by elite desk editors to create "local colour," it feels like an academic parlour trick. It sounds like they are saying: "Yes, it looks exactly like oral tradition, but that's just because the elite writers were so brilliant at faking it." To an outsider, that feels like a classic, un-falsifiable case of special pleading.

Over-Reliance on Ad-Hoc Adjustments

A Lakatosian critic would point out that Walsh and Mills have chosen a "Hard Core" thesis that is incredibly rigid: The Gospels are purely the products of elite literary culture, completely detached from communal oral folk memory.

Because that hard core is so absolute, any trace of oral texture becomes a lethal threat. To save their theory, they are forced to use "Monster-Adjusting" on a massive scale. They have to redefine raw, clumsy, bilingual blunders as high-brow literary art. A Lakatosian critic would warn that when your protective belt requires you to constantly explain away the most obvious, natural reading of the data by inventing hyper-intellectualized, invisible motives for the authors, your research program is losing its explanatory power.

Lakatos argued that a good theory should possess "heuristic power"—it should naturally explain the data without straining.

To a Lakatosian critic, the oral-memory model (championed by James D.G. Dunn) has a much more highly progressive heuristic: it easily explains why the Gospels are messy, why they contradict each other on minor details, and why they contain raw Aramaic. The data fits the model like a glove. Although as we will see, that also has its problems.

By contrast, the Walsh/Mills model requires an immense amount of intellectual heavy lifting just to get back to the starting line. It fails to elegantly predict the raw, unpolished nature of the text. If the authors were truly elite Greco-Roman literary masters operating at the level of Plutarch or Virgil, why is their Greek often so clunky and stylistically mediocre? Having to argue that elite writers deliberately wrote in awkward, localized styles to trick their audience is a classic sign of a Lakatosian protective belt that has grown too bloated to be believable.

A Lakatosian critic wouldn't necessarily say Walsh and Mills are wrong, after all, Lakatos proved that even degenerating theories can sometimes experience a sudden breakthrough and become progressive again.

However, the critic would say that their current defences feel like poor special pleading because the burden of proof has crushed them. By refusing to allow even a fraction of oral folk memory into their model, they have trapped themselves in a corner where they must continually claim that what looks like a duck, quacks like a duck, and walks like a duck is actually a highly sophisticated mechanical robot built by an elite classical engineer to simulate a duck.

Next blog on the subject – N.T. Wright

This will be published next Monday

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 1

Proofs and Refutations in Historical Jesus Research – Part 1

In “Proofs and Refutations”, the philosopher Imre Lakatos (pictured above) demonstrates how mathematicians and scientists deal with counterexamples that threaten their core theories. Instead of abandoning the theory (as Popper said they should), they use brilliant rhetorical and structural manoeuvres to protect the status quo. As I was reading mathematics at Exeter University, I came across both Popper and Lakatos as part of my set books.

I find Lakatos more compelling than Popper, as his “Proofs and Refutations” is actually both an interpretation and commentary on actual developments in parts of mathematical history.

I shall be using the model given in “Proofs and Refutations” to examine some current trends in historical Jesus and New Testament origins research. But first, let us start with a basic explanation of how this all works.

 

In Lakatos’s dialogue, a mathematician proposes a "proof" (a global conjecture), someone else hurls a "refutation" (a counterexample) at it, and instead of throwing the proof away, the community stretches, refines, and redefines their terms to accommodate the new reality.

Here are the four basic, foundational Lakatosian strategies people use to defend the status quo:

Monster-Barring (Excluding the Data)

This is the most aggressive defence. When faced with a counterexample that breaks your theory, you simply declare that the counterexample is a "monster" (a freak anomaly or invalid data point) that doesn't belong in the discussion. You don't change your theory; you just shrink the definition of what counts as real data.

• The Mathematics Example: A student defines a polyhedron as a solid bounded by plane faces. Someone presents a "cylinder" as a counterexample. The student responds: "A cylinder is a freak monster, not a real polyhedron! Real polyhedra must have straight edges. Therefore, my theory is still safe."

• The Real-World Equivalent: High-level political ideologues use this constantly. When shown a historical collapse of their preferred economic system, they will say: "Well, that wasn't real capitalism/socialism."

Exception-Barring (Ghettoizing the Data)

In this strategy, you acknowledge that the counterexample is real and valid, but you argue it is a minor, bizarre exception that doesn't impact your macro-theory. You draw a neat little boundary fence around the troublesome data, label it a "special case," and pass a law forbidding it from modifying your main rule.

• The Mathematics Example: A student states a rule that works for all shapes, but someone points out it fails for a star-shaped polygon. The student says: "Fine, my rule works for all normal shapes, except star-shaped ones. We will just ignore star-shaped ones for now."

• The Real-World Equivalent: A medical researcher has a theory that a drug is 100% effective. When a patient gets sick anyway, the researcher says: "The theory holds true for everyone, except patients with this one specific, rare genetic marker."

Monster-Adjusting (Reinterpreting the Meaning)

This is a highly sophisticated, linguistic magic trick. You do not change the words of your theory, and you do not throw away the counterexample. Instead, you redefine the words inside your theory so that the troublesome counterexample is magically transformed into proof that you were right all along.

• The Mathematics Example: If your theory requires a shape to have "edges," and a counterexample has a curved line, you simply broaden the definition of an "edge" to include curved lines. The monster is "adjusted" until it fits.

• The Real-World Equivalent: An astrologer predicts a client will have a "massively successful financial day." The client actually loses £50. The astrologer deploys monster-adjusting: "Ah, but losing that money taught you a valuable spiritual lesson about greed. True 'wealth' is spiritual, so my prediction came true!"

Lemma-Incorporation (Fixing the Blueprint)

This is the most constructive Lakatosian strategy and the one that actually drives human progress. Instead of flatly denying the counterexample, you use the counterexample to find a hidden, unstated assumption (a lemma) in your original proof. You then carefully modify your theory to absorb the shock of the counterexample, making the overall theory much more complex, nuanced, and resilient.

• The Mathematics Example: A student realizes their rule failed because they forgot to specify that the shape must be perfectly flat. They update the theory: "My rule works for all polyhedra, provided they are convex." The theory changes, but it grows stronger.

• The Real-World Equivalent: This is how actual scientific progress works. When Newton’s laws couldn't perfectly explain the weird orbit of Mercury, physicists didn't throw out Newtonian physics; they used Einsteinian relativity to incorporate the extreme exceptions of high-gravity environments into a larger, more robust blueprint of physics.

When we map Imre Lakatos’s four strategies onto the high-stakes battlefield of Gospel scholarship, we can see exactly why NT scholars and historical-Jesus researchers rarely change their minds.

Because the text of the Gospels is ancient, complex, and open to interpretation, it provides the perfect raw material for academics to build a "Protective Belt" around their core theories.

In my next posts, I will illustrate how biblical historians of the New Testament deploy the four basic Lakatosian strategies to defend their views against troublesome textual data.

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 3

Religion, History and G. R Balleine – Part 3
(The Reformation in Jersey)
By Jason St John Nicolle
From "The Pilot", 1991

Part III Discontented Catholics?

AND SO, after an adjournment of a month, the court of Jersey history reconvenes; the issue to be decided, the cause and nature of the religious revolution of the sixteenth century, better known as the Reformation. The jury are ushered to their seats. The black-suited, white-stocked lawyers stop whispering to each other; they turn once again to the files and authorities which lie opened in front of them, and a self-conscious, expectant silence fills the air.

The prosecution, led by the familiar and respected figure of George Reginald Balleine, has already stated its case. It has argued that the Protestant faith was established rapidly on Jersey, and with widespread popular support: "The victory of Protestantism was complete" by 1553 — the year which saw the death of Edward VI, and the accession of his sister Mary. It was yet another example of the inevitable triumph of the Evangelical faith.

But that was at last month's hearing; the jury has now to hear the arguments of the other side. Will Advocate Balleine's version of events be challenged? Whose version will the jury find the more convincing? All eyes are now on the defence, as their counsel rises to address the court.

“ Members of the jury, Advocate Balleine has argued that the Reformation on Jersey was imposed rapidly and with widespread popular support — he would like us to believe that this was a revolution 'from below.' The defence will argue that this is a view which has no foundation in historical fact. It will seek to establish that the faith of the Reformers took some fifty years to seize the hearts and minds of Islanders. Its eventual triumph owed nothing to the alleged superiority of its Evangelical doctrine, and everything to the capricious realities of power politics. This was no Reformation 'from below'; it was a Reformation 'from above.”

"The prosecution's case consists of several arguments; but a single assumption has provided the foundation for the whole edifice, and I shall deal with this assumption first. The assumption is simply this: we can take it for granted that there was widespread dissatisfaction with the beliefs and practices of Catholicism in the 1520's, 30's and 40's. Having started with this assumption, it is natural for the prosecution to picture discontented Catholics embracing the new Protestant faith at the earliest opportunity; it has to have been a Reformation 'from below.' But if we remove the necessity for supposing widespread discontent, we also remove the necessity for supposing that Protestantism was widely welcomed.”

"Unfortunately, we will never know for sure what most Islanders really thought of the Catholic Church on the eve of the Reformation; the surviving evidence is simply too limited. But one thing is certain: we cannot assume that Islanders were necessarily dissatisfied with the faith of their forefathers.”

"Take, for instance, the case of Brelade Alexandre, Constable of St Brelade. When he was on his deathbed in 1537, he made a will; and among his bequests was one wheat rente to endow an annual mass, to be said on the anniversary of the day of his burial, for the health of his own soul and the souls of his ancestors. There would have been no point making the bequest if Alexandre had not genuinely believed in the spiritual efficacy of the Catholic Mass.”

"We can be fairly certain that a good number of Alexandre's fellow Jerseymen would have shared the Constable's belief in the sacramental framework of late mediaeval catholicism. Several would have belonged to religious clubs, known as Confraternities, which organised annual anniversary masses to mark the death of benefactors. There seem to have been about two dozen separate confraternities on Jersey during the 1530's and 1540's; two-thirds of them survived until 1550, when they were wound-up by a Royal Commission. It is impossible to say how many members belonged to each club, and their functions were not solely religious; but their very existence presupposes widespread confidence in the Sacrifice of the Mass.

"We know that ensuring the provision of a mass could be a matter of the utmost seriousness. In 1529, the parishioners of St Martin complained about a wheat rente which had not been paid for twenty years. They were annoyed because it has formed the endowment for a weekly mass; they had been denied the spiritual benefit of 1,040 masses, 'to the prejudice both of the living and the dead.' The precision of their calculation reveals the depth of their concern.

"We will never know whether these examples give a representative picture of attitudes towards Catholicism on the eve of the Reformation; but they are sufficient to show that it would be wrong to assume that Jerseymen of the 1530's and 40's were necessarily discontented with the faith of their forefathers. This was the assumption on which the prosecution's case was based; and it has been shown to be untenable. It is now time to consider the prosecution's second proposition: that Jerseymen and women were quickly won over to the new faith. The arguments ... 

But the counsel for the defence is not allowed to finish his sentence: the Judge has granted another adjournment.