Thursday, 11 June 2026

Housing in Jersey - the Real Challenges




















Value Jersey's Aim

The following are taken from their "Purple Book"  

Removing planning barriers, fast-tracking affordable retail, and reducing the cost of apartment development are not just affordability measures, they are competitiveness measures. An Island where workers cannot find or afford decent housing cannot compete for talent against Singapore, Dubai, or Luxembourg. That is true for financial professionals, but it is equally true for the teachers, nurses, and care workers that many Islanders depend on every day.

Value Jersey's proposal is a cradle to grave housing strategy: a comprehensive review of what is being built, where, and for whom, to ensure Jersey has the right number of the right sized homes for its population at every stage of life. From first flats to family homes to properties suitable for older residents looking to downsize, a market that works for everyone at every stage eases pressure across the board for buyers and renters alike, and makes Jersey a place where people can genuinely build a life.

What it does not address

Their platform tries to reframe deep structural problems as purely bureaucratic hurdles that can be solved with the right political will. However, this approach leaves a massive gap between free-market optimism and practical island physics.

The brutal reality of Jersey’s escalating housing crisis can be traced down to three unyielding truths: (1) a punishing island supply chain, (2) a chronic shortage of developable space, and (3) a fierce, ideological battle over the island's green landscape. 

Far from being isolated administrative hurdles, these factors collide daily to make building homes in Jersey slow, prohibitively expensive, and politically explosive.

Building a home here comes with effectively what is a punishing geographical cost. Jersey lacks the heavy domestic manufacturing required for modern construction, meaning virtually every brick, steel beam, and bag of cement must make a costly trek across the English Channel. This reliance on maritime freight, combined with port handling fees, freight cost rates, and specialized local logistics, inflates the baseline cost of raw materials. While corporate developers can occasionally negotiate bulk discounts, the sheer lack of market scale on a small island means that construction costs per square meter remain significantly higher than on the UK mainland, driving up final shelf prices for buyers. The recent war has pushed costs up even further.

Even if you can afford the materials, finding a place to build is a logistical nightmare. In an island with a finite footprint, the days of easy, open-plot building are long gone. Unlike post-industrial Britain, Jersey does not possess sprawling inventories of abandoned factories ripe for conversion. Instead, developers are forced to look at complex brownfield sites, often crumbling agricultural buildings or redundant commercial glasshouses.

Unlocking these sites requires rezoning, a notoriously slow legal process tethered to the island's rigid political cycles. This administrative bottleneck throttles the land supply, creating a high-stakes, artificial scarcity that sends land values skyrocketing.

Compounding this gridlock is Jersey’s fierce commitment to environmental protectionism. Massive swathes of the island’s landmass are ring-fenced under strict Green Zone designations designed to halt urban sprawl and preserve the island's iconic coastlines and agricultural heritage. While this policy successfully safeguards Jersey's natural beauty, it places vast amounts of land completely off-limits to housing. 

This environmental idealism directly collides with human necessity; by refusing to build outward, the government forces all new housing into dense urban infills or sparks toxic, neighbourhood-level battles over every single edge-of-parish field.

So can Value Jersey's vision succeed?

Their call for removing planning barriers and fast-tracking developments directly addresses the problem of land scarcity and slow rezoning, but it does so by attempting to smash through it. Value Jersey is betting that the slow, painful administrative bottlenecks can be bypassed by simply changing the law to fast-track approvals. Drastically cutting down the time it takes to get permission would be an offset to the high costs of island freight. 

However, this supply-side solution completely ignores the physical reality of the Green Zone policy. You cannot fast-track your way onto land that is legally protected from development. By focusing entirely on removing planning barriers for high-density apartments, Value Jersey is subtly admitting that they cannot expand outward into the countryside.

So, although they don't say it, their plan implies a massive push toward high-density urban infills, likely packing apartment blocks into St. Helier. This avoids the political landmine of touching the Green Zone, but it completely ignores the massive infrastructure upgrades that such a dense population concentration would require.

Cramming thousands of residents into high-density urban apartment blocks would probably overwhelm the town's aging physical and social systems. Let's explore this further.

Beneath the streets, subterranean networks face systemic failure as hundreds of new appliances simultaneously drain into Victorian-era sewage systems and strain electrical grids. On the surface, localized traffic bottlenecks paralyze narrow roads, while the sheer volume of concentrated waste disrupts parish refuse logistics.

Now infrastructure can always be engineered out of a crisis, but the real question is who holds the purse strings? This final financial hurdle is where Value Jersey’s free-market rhetoric hits a wall of cold, hard public finance, as the roads are dug up to install high-capacity cables and wider sewage pipes, all of which has to be paid for from the public purse.

Wednesday, 10 June 2026

Social Media and the Elections



















Back in 2025, I started my own Facebook group

https://www.facebook.com/groups/politicsjerseydiscussions

Unlike some others, I have tried to design this to operate as a distinct tightly controlled environment designed specifically to counter the "wild west" nature of open public forums.

Because political spaces in small jurisdictions like Jersey can rapidly devolve into personal vendettas, spamming, and candidate smear campaigns during election seasons, the moderation enforces high-friction, automated, and manual Admin Assist rules.

I have also used post approval and posting limits per day when necessary to slow down posts.

One example was a post detailing the JEP investigation which exposed Terry Le Main behind an anonymous leaflet campaign against Reform. Initially this did not appear online in the JEP, so I bought a copy to verify it before I let the piece through.

The mechanics and reasoning behind how the group works are as follows:

1. The 10-Word Substance Requirement (No Bare Links or Images)

The Rule: Any link to external news sites (like the Jersey Evening Post or Bailiwick Express), uploaded campaign images, or manifestos will be automatically filtered or manually rejected unless accompanied by at least 10 words of context.

The Purpose: This stops "hit-and-run" posting and link-dumping. It forces the member to state their unique angle or question, encouraging constructive, text-driven dialogue over blind sharing or low-effort meme broadcasting.

2. Complete Ban on GIFs and Memes 

The Rule: Visual comment replies using standard GIF keyboards or political memes are forbidden and automatically suppressed.

The Purpose: In heated discussions (such as the performance of Reform Jersey or the Value Jersey movement), GIFs are frequently weaponized to mock other users or derail complex local debates without offering an actual argument. It keeps the visual layout cleaner and more accessible.

3. Profanity Filters and "Bad Language" Settings

The Rule: Native Facebook keyword triggers are heavily utilized to auto-block and flag explicit swear words or highly aggressive vocabulary before they ever appear on the main timeline. [

The Purpose: The platform aims for an elevated standard of civility. It prevents the casual vulgarity often seen on broader social networks, keeping the focus strictly on local policy, housing costs, infrastructure, and election spending.

4. Zero Spam Tolerance and Content De-cluttering

The Rule: Duplicate posting of identical election articles, polling predictions, or media links is strictly policed. If a topic has already been posted, supplementary threads are closed down.

The Purpose: It prevents political organizations, pressure groups, or candidate campaigns from flooding the main dashboard feed to dominate visibility during voting weeks.

5. Automated Gatekeeping (Account Age & Membership Restrictions) 

The Rule: Admin Assist protocols reject or heavily vet joining requests from Facebook profiles that are newly created or have been on the platform for under a certain number of years.

The Purpose: This is a vital shield against sockpuppet accounts and election bot farms. In localized Jersey elections, troll accounts are often spun up overnight to safely slander local politicians anonymously. Requiring an established account profile ensures that participants are real people with a digital track record.

6. The 50-Comment Surge Rule:

One of the most effective automated triggers utilized by the group is an Admin Assist rule that automatically locks a thread if it receives 50 or more comments within a single hour. This immediately halts fast-escalating arguments, giving human moderators time to review the content before a digital "pile-on" occurs.

Group Dynamic vs. Open Platforms

The aim of this highly structured approach is to create a safe space for which in some ways resembles a coffee table discussion group or a letters to the editor page. It is design not to be fast-paced, chaotic, and reactive. 

My aim was to attract detail-oriented voters who want to discuss actual policy and not casual browsers looking for quick local drama.

Tuesday, 9 June 2026

Post Election Loss of office compensation



















The Rules

Former States Members in Jersey do not receive standard redundancy pay; instead, they receive a formal "loss of office compensation" scheme. This package is determined by independent reviews rather than traditional statutory employment rules, as politicians are technically not classed as standard employees. 

Compensation is limited strictly to Members who stand for re-election but fail to secure their seat. Members who choose to retire or voluntarily step down prior to an election receive nothing under the active guidelines. To qualify for any payout, a politician must have served a minimum of two continuous years in office.

Jersey’s loss‑of‑office compensation is defended as fair because it treats the end of a political term in the same way redundancy works for ordinary workers. States Members have no job security at all: every four years their entire income can disappear overnight if voters choose someone else. The payment is meant to soften that sudden drop and give them a short period to find new work, especially since many have left stable careers to serve.

Another fairness argument is that the scheme keeps politics open to people who are not wealthy. Without some protection, only those with private means could afford to risk standing for election. A teacher, nurse or tradesperson might hesitate to run if losing meant immediate financial hardship. The compensation is therefore framed as a way of keeping the Assembly socially broad rather than dominated by the rich.

The amounts are modest. The formula gives one month’s salary for every four years of service, with a minimum of two years. Even long‑serving members receive far less than senior civil servants would get in redundancy. It is rules‑based, predictable and not something politicians can award themselves at will.

Calculations

Eligible politicians receive one month's basic remuneration for every four years of continuous service

[The following calculations are estimates and while they should be accurate, they should be double checked for accuracy]

I have ordered them from least to most.

Following his defeat in yesterday's St Helier Constable race, outgoing Deputy David Warr is on track to receive approximately £4,990 in loss of office compensation as is Raluca Kovacs.

Mike Jackson's loss of office compensation is £9,979. Because Constables and Deputies have historically had slightly different official election and swearing-in timelines, the calculation changes by a fraction of a month.

Following his defeat in the St Helier Constable race, outgoing Education Minister Rob Ward is on track to receive approximately £10,062 in loss of office compensation as is Steve Ahier.

Following his defeat in the June 2026 Senatorial election, Sam Mézec is on track to receive approximately £15,280 in loss of office compensation.

Following his defeat in yesterday's June 2026 Senatorial election, former Environment Minister Steve Luce is on track to receive approximately £18,243 in loss of office compensation.

Following his defeat in yesterday's June 2026 election, former St Saviour Connétable Kevin Lewis is on track to receive approximately £25,650 in loss of office compensation

Combined, the taxpayer-funded cost for all eight unseated politicians totals £103,490.

Final note

Across many parliaments studied by remuneration boards and electoral‑systems researchers, the pattern is similar: there is usually some mix of a lump‑sum severance payment, continued salary for a limited period, or enhanced pension rights, all justified as a way to “smooth the cliff edge” when leaving office. 

The details differ, eligibility rules, caps, and links to years of service, but the underlying rationale is that if you want politics to be a realistic option for non‑wealthy professionals, you need to cushion the risk of sudden job loss.

Set against that backdrop, Jersey’s loss‑of‑office scheme sits toward the modest end: a relatively small, formula‑based payment for those who stand and lose, rather than the multi‑month or multi‑year packages seen in places like Germany, Canada, or Australia. 

Monday, 8 June 2026

Election 2026 - First Look The Senators.























Senatorial Results

Helen Miles: 15,859
Ian Gorst: 15,667
Lyndon Farnham: 14,217
Elaine Millar: 14,208
Serena Kersten Guthrie: 12,588
Tom Binet: 12,584
Alan Maclean: 12,506
Mark Boleat: 11,948
Mary Le Hegarat: 11,571

Sam Mézec: 9,374
Steve Luce: 8,669
Bernard Place: 6,675
Alan Le Pavoux: 6,294
Martin Aliga: 5,390
Alan Breckon: 4,412
Guy De Faye: 2,979
Karl Busch: 1,688 

Helen Miles topped the poll, going head to head with Ian Gorst throughout the night. She will almost certainly bid for Chief Minister. I suppose the big question would be whether she could work with those voted against Kristina Moore, such as Tom Binet, and assembly a broad coalition like Lyndon did, and leave behind any past resentments.

Ian Gorst has said from the start he would like to continue as External Relations Minister, and it is clear the electorate see him both as capable and as someone with real integrity. I make no bones about it: his handling of the Jersey Care Inquiry was one of the best examples of his integrity - countering attempts to stop in through lack of funds, countering attempts to let interested parties see the final report before it was published. He has also been good at looking after Jersey's reputation abroad, not perhaps the most showy of roles, but very necessary for the good of the finance industry and consequently rest of the Island.

Lyndon Farnham came third, which for an incumbent Chief Minister is a very good measure of how well he has done in bringing a broad coalition since Kristina Moore was ousted. I would expect him to stand again for Chief Minister and I hope he does. One must remember it is not just voters popularity that counts, but the judgement of the House.

Elaine Millar has been a steady hand at the Treasury, and personally I would like to see her retain that role. 

Serena Guthrie is an outsider, and it will be interesting to see what she will bring to the Chamber, perhaps some of that sporting energy! I really feel despite the Hustings I don't know much about her.

Tom Binet came a creditable 6th place, and given that his campaign seems to have lacked posters and manifestos, that is an extraordinary achievement. But manifestos often contain a lot of platitudes, and you would never get that from Tom. Hopefully he can continue with Health and the Hospital project.

Alan Maclean made a surprising return to the Senators showing that comebacks are not impossible, or even impossingworth! While the members of the old Government of John Le Fondre tried and failed to be re-elected to the States, it must be remembered it was much longer, stepping down in 2018 rather than being voted out.

Sir Mark Boleat clearly as an independent has thrown off the stigma of the Alliance Party, and I am sure will bring some much needed professionalism to the States. He didn't do as well as expected, perhaps because of that legacy, but I'm glad he is in.

Finally Mary Le Hegarat was also elected as Senator. While the Chamber of Commerce vote excluded women from their "Senators Special" Chamber Lunch, the voters have excluded not one single woman from the ranks of the Senators.

Near Misses

Sam Mezec got a boost from St Saviour and St Helier, but still fell well short of success. Reform will now need a new leader within the Assembly. Sam will be looking for a job outside of politics for the first time since 2014, over a decade ago.

I was sorry to see Steve Luce fail. Steve has I think been a good Minister for Environment, but it is always a gamble to go from Deputy to Senator, and like John Young and Sean Power before him, did not make it.

Bernard Place: 6,675
Alan Le Pavoux: 6,294
Martin Aliga: 5,390
Alan Breckon: 4,412
Guy De Faye: 2,979
Karl Busch: 1,688 

Of the last ranked candidates, both Bernard Place and Alan Le Pavoux gave a creditable performance for outsiders, and perhaps Bernard Place's JEP columns gave him the edge. I had never heard of Alan before.

With just one election banner (outside the Poplar's Tea Room) and only a handful of manifesto cards, Martin Aliga did surprisingly well with an unusual election campaign. The only candidate to have said he wanted to bring love into the States Chamber - but with the factional resentment after Kristina Moore's "Bitter Way" government fell, perhaps the States Chamber does need some reminder of values that often get overlooked.

Alan Breckon's campaign was I fear, somewhat incoherent. Masses of figures in the hustings and on his manifesto card seem to have swamped the very real desire to tackle out of control public expenditure, and the tiny font did not win any plaudits, except from opticians.

Guy De Faye really should give up. "The Man who Shot Puffin "- never indicted for crimes against hand puppets - just is not going to be elected. 

Karl Busch came last. So much for his much vaunted "Karl Care" (in his manifesto). He had Karl Care. The electorate didn't.

Sunday, 7 June 2026

More Short Stories: Our Shelter from the Stormy Blast











Continuing the theme of short stories crafted from hymns, I have set this background against the St Paul's Cathedral in Wartime and the hymn by Isaac Watts, "Our God, our help in ages past.". The world is in a bad way with wars in the Middle East, and Ukraine, and there are echoes of conflict in this story, even though it is in the past, in another conflict almost within living memory.

I also drew on this site:
https://historicengland.org.uk/whats-new/features/blitz-stories/st-paul-s-cathedral

Our Shelter from the Stormy Blast
A Short Story of Endurance under Bombing

The night was a furnace of flame and ash. From the high dome of St Paul’s, the Dean, the Very Reverend Walter Matthews, could see the city burning. The streets he had walked since boyhood now swallowed by smoke. The Blitz had come again, relentless as thunder, bringing the tides of war to dash against the land. Below, the fire crews moved like shadows through the orange haze, their hoses glinting in the infernal light. The cathedral itself stood like a sentinel, its great stone ribs trembling under the concussion of bombs.

He had stayed behind and helped organise a team, he would not flee. “Our God, our help in ages past,” he murmured, the words rising from memory rather than voice. The hymn had been sung here countless times, but tonight it felt carved into the air itself, a prayer for endurance, not victory.

The architect and cathedral Surveyor, WG Allen, and Section Captain RM Wakelin were now ready for the fiery ordeal, in the St Paul’s Watch control room.


In the crypt, volunteers tended the wounded. A nurse with soot‑streaked cheeks whispered that the east transept had caught fire again. Matthews nodded, his eyes fixed on the flickering vault above. “Under the shadow of Thy throne,” he said softly, “Thy saints have dwelt secure.” He wondered if security meant survival or simply faith amid ruin.

Outside, the bells were silent. The Luftwaffe’s droning hum rolled over the Thames, and the city shuddered. He climbed the narrow stair to the Whispering Gallery, each step echoing like a heartbeat. From there, he could see the dome’s lantern glowing faintly through the smoke,  a fragile crown of light. The firewatchers were up there, silhouettes against the inferno, stamping out sparks with sandbags and courage.

He thought of the hills “before they stood,” of the eternal God “to endless years the same.” The words steadied him. Time, he knew, was the enemy of all things built by men, “an ever‑rolling stream” that bore away sons and fathers alike. Yet in that stream, faith was the one unmoving stone, the rock on which the Lord built his church, the City of God of St Augustine..

A blast shook the cathedral. Dust fell like snow. Matthews knelt beside a broken window and looked toward the river. The bridges were still standing, though the warehouses beyond were gone. Somewhere in the east, the glow of another fire rose, perhaps Aldgate, perhaps Shoreditch. He could not tell.

He remembered the faces of the congregation who had sung here last Sunday: a mother with two children, a soldier home on leave, an old organist whose hands trembled on the keys. Were they alive tonight? He prayed they were. “Be Thou our guard while troubles last,” he whispered, “and our eternal home.”

And as he looked out over Paternoster Row, Ave Maria Lane, and the book warehouses, now a sea of flame where the cathedral stood like an island in a burning world, he thought of the three men in the fiery furnace. London too was walking through fire, and the Cathedral stood, a beacon of faith within the fires.

When dawn came, the bombing ceased. The sky was bruised and pale, and the dome of St Paul’s still stood — blackened but unbroken. Firemen leaned against the walls, exhausted, their helmets streaked with ash. One of them looked up and smiled faintly. “She’s still here, sir,” he said.

Matthews nodded. “So are we.”

He stepped outside into the ruined streets. London was a graveyard of chimneys and glass. The Dean paused, reflecting. The hymn returned to him again, not as lament but as promise, that even in the storm, there was shelter; even in the ashes, hope.

Matthews recalled how he and the Watch fought a number of separate battles in which small squads fought incipient fires at different places on and beneath the roof. He remembered how he had managed to extinguish an incendiary bomb himself, alongside Surveyor Godfrey Allen. It had scarred the floor, and yet he held a special affection for the scar left by that bomb on the floor, a mark he saw as a symbol of survival.

And as the sun rose over the dome, its light catching the smoke like incense, he whispered once more: “Our God, our help in ages past, our hope for years to come.”

Saturday, 6 June 2026

Election Fever























A poem for tomorrow!

Election Fever

It was the day of election, excitement day,
Unless sunny and then to beach ward way!
Voting with their feet, buckets and spade,
Increased turnout was not well made;
But perhaps they came, took voting slip,
Before the beach and seaside dip,
Past the smiling faces, shaking hands,
Thinking of sunbathing on those sands;
Don’t smile at me they want to scream,
As they think of beach and soft ice cream;
While crosses marked, a time to vote,
But I sadly miss Honest Nev’s tote,
And wonder at the odds he’d set,
And whether candidates themselves would bet;
Throughout the day, they come and go,
The voters, some faster, some very slow:
The hobbling stick, the bent old back,
For the elderly are rarely slack,
But younger folk may stay away,
Politics is for them just for dismay:
High rents, costly living, no night life,
Their world a struggle full of strife;
Then sounds the gong at end of time,
As if the bell of doom does chime,
And counting slips, just one by one,
Until they read out who was won,
And good luck to all who lose and win,
While manifestos go recycling bin!

Friday, 5 June 2026

1986 - 40 years ago - June - Part 1












1986 - 40 years ago - June - Part 1

June 2-8

DISAGREEMENT between Tourism president Senator John Rothwell and the Battle of Flowers Association chairman Mr Graeme Rabet ends when Senator Rothwell accepts an invitation to become Battle of Flowers Association president.

The Civil Aviation Authority is adamant that it wants to ban Jersey flights from Heathrow if congestion gets any worse at the airport.

The Assistant Police Court Magistrate, Mr Robin Short, says that the Island is in danger of being "swamped" by the many small amounts of cannabis being imported.

A section of Bath Street is closed at rush hour when it is feared that the wall of the partly demolished Lancashire Textiles building is about to collapse into the street.

A nurse at the General Hospital, Jersey-born Miss Julie Haywood (22), is chosen as Miss Battle of Flowers.

An ambulance on its way to help an un-conscious motorcyclist overturns after hitting a van and a bank. Neither of the men in the ambulance is badly hurt in the accident, which occurs near La Croix au Lion, St Peter.

Unsupervised children are causing problems at Fort Regent and Fort officials say that three-year-olds have been found left to their own devices in the playground and funfair areas.

A long-term car park building programme costing £181/2 million is planned by the Public Works Committee. The programme will include an underground car park in Castle Street.

Islanders respond slowly to the call for donations for a wedding gift for Prince Andrew and Miss Sarah Ferguson. there is only £75 in the kitty two weeks after the appeal is launched.

June 9-15

THE manager of British Home Stores in King street tells stunned food hall employees that that side of the business is to be closed in September. Although the local food hall is a success, the same has not been true of BHS food halls in the UK.

Measures introduced by the UK Government to control illicit dealing in shares will mean that Channel Island companies will have to co-operate with investigations into irregular "insider" trading.

The Housing Committee reveals that it hopes to set up a sub-committee under the chairmanship of Housing president Deputy Hendric Vandervliet to speed up the acquisition of land for States housing.

The move is planned because the committee feels there is a lack of co-ordination in present efforts to purchase housing land in the public sector.

Three people are rescued from a French cabin cruiser when it hits rocks at the Paternosters and starts to take in water. The craft is towed to St Helier Harbour after being pumped out by the lifeboat.

The Telecommunications Board announce plans to spend over £17 million on a five-year plan, but even before the proposals are debated they are opposed by the Finance and Economics Committee.

Former coach-dweller Mr Richard Manning is sent to jail for contempt of Court. His arrest is ordered when he fails to turn up for a resumption of a hearing in the Royal Court relating to alleged debts.