Sunday, 15 May 2011

Contented John

The poem "Contented John" appears in Whitnash Parish Magazine, in 1863, and this is from May.

If reprinted today, it is usually presented as a "traditional nursery rhyme", but in fact it was written by Jane Taylor for the book ""Original Poems for Infant Minds", written by Jane Taylor and Ann Taylor.

It rapidly became very popular, as it appeared in the "Third book of reading lessons" of the Canadian series of school books", which was authorized by the Council of Public Instruction For Ontario in 1867, and in America, in the "The Confederate First Reader: Containing Selections in Prose and Poetry, as Reading Exercises for the Younger Children in the Schools and Families of the Confederate States", published in 1864.

Who was Jane Taylor? Jane Taylor (23 September 1783 - 13 April 1824), was an English poet and novelist, living in Suffolk. When she was twenty-three, she wrote the words for the poem - as it was then - "Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star" (1806) - the music came later. Her authorship is usually forgotten, and like "Contented John", this has become another "traditional rhyme"! The music came from the French song "Ah! vous dirai-je, Maman" of 1774, which is definitely not a nursery rhyme - here's the first verse translated:

Ah! I tell you, Mama,
What causes my torment?
Since I saw Sylvander
Look at me with a tender air,
My heart says at any time:
Can you live without a lover?

John's occupation is a "a hedger and ditcher", but in some later versions becomes "a digger and ditcher". The original phrase also occurs in the folk song (which also featured in BBC's Lark Rise to Candleford)

My father's a hedger and ditcher
my mother does nothing but spin
They say I'm a pretty young girl
but the money comes slowly in

A ditcher is "A person who makes and repairs ditches.". The word first appears in 1430 and is also mentioned in Shakespeare, in Hamlet: "There is no ancient gentlemen but gardeners, ditchers and grave-makers; they hold up Adam's profession. " (Hamlet, Act 5. Scene 1)

A hedger here is "One who makes, repairs, or trims hedges." The word first appears in 1518, and is also mentioned in Boswell's Life of Johnson (1791) - "A pair of large gloves, such as hedgers use.". Both terms are mentioned by John Stuart Mill in his "Principles of political economy, with some of their applications to social philosophy" (1848)

Besides materials for industry to employ itself on, and implements to aid it, provision must be made to prevent its operations from being disturbed, and its products injured, either by the destroying agencies of nature, or by the violence or rapacity of men. This gives rise to another mode in which labour not employed directly about the product itself, is instrumental to its production; namely, when employed for the protection of industry. Such is the object of all buildings for industrial purposes; all manufactories, warehouses, docks, granaries, barns, farm-buildings devoted to cattle, or to the operations of agricultural labour... The herdsman has little other occupation than to protect the cattle from harm: the positive agencies concerned in the realization of the product, go on nearly of themselves. I have already mentioned the labour of the hedger and ditcher, of the builder of walls or dykes.

And here's contented John:

Contented John

One honest John Tomkins, a hedger and ditcher,
Although he was poor, did not want to be richer;
For all such vain wishes in him were prevented
By a fortunate habit of being contented.

Though cold was the weather, or dear was the food,
John never was found in a murmuring mood;
For this he was constantly heard to declare,
What he could not prevent he would cheerfully bear.

"For why should I grumble and murmur?" he said;
"If I cannot get meat, I can surely get bread;
And, though fretting may make my calamities deeper,
It can never cause bread and cheese to be cheaper."

If John was afflicted with sickness or pain,
He wished himself better, but did not complain,
Nor lie down and fret in despondence and sorrow,
But said that he hoped to be better tomorrow.

If any one wronged him or treated him ill,
Why, John was good natured and sociable still;
For he said that revenging the injury done
Would be making two rogues when there need be but one.

And thus honest John, though his station was humble,
Passed through this world without even a grumble;
And I wish that some folks, who are greater and richer,
Would copy John Tomkins, the hedger and ditcher.

Links
http://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/taylor/autobiography/autobiography-I.html

Saturday, 14 May 2011

GST off domestic fuel - it's not complex.

I have emailed to ask Senator Le Breton to take the vote on GST exemptions in two parts - one on food and one on fuel.

The arguments will be made that we have heard many times before about "complexity" with GST exempt on food. They may win the day on that; to be a realist, there would be a much more complex system if GST was exempt from food.

However, removing GST from fuel wouldn't fall to the argument about complexity, and its opponents would have to try something else!

After all, there are not many companies supplying domestic fuel, and it is easy to flag up domestic users as exempt - after all, a number of Finance Sector Companies can be flagged as exempt easily - Trust companies, for instant, are exempt from GST, so have to be flagged on the customer database on utility companies so that their bills do not include - and no one says that is "complex" - so flagging domestic users in addition would not be a problem. And normal businesses would still pay.

It seems strange that a pensioner should collapse (as happened early this year) because of trying to heat his home by putting his gas oven on, and he pays GST on domestic fuel and yet Trust companies and Banks, with plush offices and money rolling in, are exempt from that burden! Perhaps they should be included to make up for the shortfall?

A commentator on the early draft of this blog noted " I was struck by his point that banks pay no GST on fuel while ordinary people do!"

And no one is going to question what fuel is - heating oil, gas, electricity or coal - or is someone burning Jaffa cakes out there to keep warm? Utility companies - JEC, Gas - have a "domestic" tariff, so they know if the user is a business or not. As for coal or wood, I'm not aware of any businesses keeping warm with a fireplace blazing away! There is NO complexity - the Institute of Directors argument for simplicity falls down.

The one exception would be people who run a business from home, but that is only going to effect very small businesses, and they also can only claim a small proportion of their heating costs as office expenses against tax anyway, so I think that can be let though. It is not as if they are massive million pound turnover businesses!

Another factor about fuel is that it is soaring upwards at the moment, which means that the value of fuel duties gained on petrol and diesel are increasing anyway, without the States having to intervene. There is also a certain inconsistency in these duties are not levied on marine fuel. Both of these (the "natural" increase, and duty on marine fuel) would help the shortfall.

I've seen Philip Ozouf's release, and it is totally geared to the food issue. He doesn't tackle the domestic fuel situation at all, just the food one, which is another reason for taking the proposition in two parts. He obviously hopes the argument will be presented as one, and fail as one vote.
 
Another factor to note - fuel costs impact on food prices, but with a time lag. Domestic fuel, however, can go up very rapidly, and this would need changes in the allowances to income support / GST bonus to react as quickly.
 
Quite frankly, I'm not sure the system can react that quickly - I remember seeing some change relating to that brought by either Ian Gorst or Paul Routier, and it had to go via the States - not good if it happens when the States are not sitting, or it gets into the waiting list for propositions!
 
Also there are a good many people who are not eligible for income support, because they are just above the thresholds for help. These people - often pensioners who own their own home - are struggling and while one can shop around for food, it is not possible to do so for fuel nearly as easily. There is only a limited number of suppliers, and some (coal) may not be possible if you don't have a chimney, for example. Pensioners are particularly vulnerable, as their body's thermal regulation is poor.
 
I think the Green lobby, in calling for greater fuel efficiency rather than exemptions, are in grave danger of alienating people. They do not seem to be in touch - and I mean real communication - with organisations like age concern and pensioners, or for that matter, young people struggling with new families. If the Green States members vote against exemptions on fuel, I think they will face a considerable backlash. There is a danger of being perceived as driven by ideology to the exclusion of compassion; that may not be the actual case, but it will be seen to be the case.

The Green idea is that greater fuel efficiency will lead to lower costs. But I'm not convinced by that "greater fuel" efficiency argument - fuel is so expensive anyway that people won't be ramping up the amount they use vastly, but it may be the difference between enough heat to live, or abject misery. What happens when all the fuel efficiency /home improvement that can be done has been done, and it still is not enough? All the insulation in the world won't prevent heat loss completely.

[I've more to say on this, including the Kema report commissioned by the States which is extremely poor in terms of its statistical methodology, but that will be coming next week in a separate blog entry, along with how I think we can make real fuel savings]

I really don't think taking GST off domestic fuel will cause people to go to tropical conditions. (On the other hand, if GST exempt companies (such as trust companies, banks) had to pay GST on utility costs, they would be more likely to watch the heating)

And even people on relatively higher incomes are also struggling. Pay is often frozen at the moment, but other costs go up and up. It is true that there is more slack, but a lot of costs are rising - rent goes up, food goes up, petrol goes up, bus costs go up, clothing costs rise (and if you have growing children, that is not "optional", especially for school uniform), and rates go up.
 
A few of the comments I've seen on Facebook [names have been removed]:
 
A: We are going down a very dangerous road with GST on food and energy bills and this will be seen by all when the elderly are being admitted into hospital due to not eating properly or due to the cold. We already know that many of the elderly struggled with heating their homes properly in the winter prior to GST. The hospital will also see health and weight problems increase as those on low incomes struggle to make ends meet and provide less fruit and veg and more bulky/filling foods. If you only have £50 to spend it doesn't matter whether GST is 3%, 5% or 10% you still only have £50.
 
B: A friend of mines Income Support has gone up a grand total of 68p to cover the GST increase.
 
C: Totally agree ....our wages have been frozen for 2 years now so we didn't get the GST rise etc grr
 
D: I have just given up on heating our home, can't afford even the storage heater in the main living area we just put on loads of layers and have hot water bottles just something we have grown to live with over the years that's just they way it is
 
E: GST should not go up, and should be exempt on food and domestic fuels, just receive electric bill which is crazy, looks like no heating this coming winter and also no lighting. Le Sueur & Ozouf are okay, they are both loaded so can afford it, they need to think of the people who are struggling day to day just to live. Or at least of people, who cannot work due to ill health & oaps, they are the ones to suffer more.
 
F: The amount of oaps i know who are already struggling, and are worrying how they are going to cope with the rise, some are already struggling...they worked all their life, paid taxes, and this is the thanks they get...so not fair
 
G: I understand your comment about GST and the income support, either way something should be done to help people more, I have noticed myself things are a lot tighter than they were 17 years ago when I had my accident. I also have quite a few friends with children and some are really struggling and not getting much if any help at all. People are also assessed on their previous year's earnings so certain departments might suddenly remove or drop benefits/help to people because the year before they had earned a few hundred pound or similar too much and there current situation doesn't even come into the equation.

Friday, 13 May 2011

Family vow to battle for autistic son


 
http://www.channelonline.tv/channelonline/DisplayArticle.asp?ID=494166
 
A Jersey family is fighting for funding so their autistic son can go to a specialist school.

21-year-old Martin Bellows suffers from a severe form of autism, which his parents say has got worse since he left school.

They are intent on finding a better life for him in the UK. But the authorities here say there's no need as the facilities for autism sufferers on the island are of a very high standard.

Martin's family disagree.

Their son has only ever spoken a few words due to his severe autism, but now he doesn't speak any, and hasn't done so for four years.

His parents say he would benefit from day to day further education in the UK, something that's not available in Jersey.

Mum Angela and step dad Mark have a place lined up for Martin this September at a college in the UK but can't accept, because the authorities in Jersey won't pay for him to go, despite it potentially working out cheaper than him staying in Jersey.

Mark said: "He is a Jersey born person, he is Jersey, his passport says Jersey, he's from this island. They have a responsibility to look after him, he's part of their culture. They don't care about him. As far as they're concerned, he can go to England - another one they don't have to bother with, another one they don't have to fund. But they are wrong. They are going to fund it, it will be my life's work to make sure they do it."

Martin's stopped going to the day centre on the island that cares for autism sufferers because he's not progressing, according to Angela and Mark, and often not mixing with people his own age.

Social Services completely refute the claims made about the day centre, insisting facilities are of a high standard, have improved significantly over the last few years and there's no need for autism sufferers to go anywhere else.

Mark McQuillan spoke to autism expert Phil Le Claire and began by asking him what precedent it would set for Jersey by paying for Martin to study in the UK.
 
The States does not do enough, and they have an underspend this year of millions. As Philip Le Claire says in the second part of this interview, it is in the long term an expense on the State, because carers become so disillusioned, worn down and depressed that they end up not only being unable to care for handicapped adults, but themselves needing therapeutic and medical care. And as not mentioned by Philip in the text, but in the interview, there are not that many cases like Martin anyway.

If he'd been abused, of course, like the recent proposition brought by Paul Le Clare for family X, the States would provide money. As it is he had been cared for by people who are reaching the end of their tether because they have tried to do what is right for him because they care.

The States just like care on the cheap, and as long as they can provide just enough to keep carers going, just a little bit, that's all they give. And if marriages fail, as mine did, that's just tough - it's the social services version of collateral damage in wartime, an acceptable hazard.

The States spokesperson in this interview doesn't discuss the issue which I know weighs heavily on carers, especially as they approach late middle age, in their fifties. What will become of the adult they care for after they are gone?

This issue is always avoided by the authorities, and an ostrich mentality ensues - they know there will be a cost involved them, of providing full time care - but they are leaving this burden to future generations of Islanders to shoulder; as far as they are concerned, it is not their job to plan ahead. I have never come across detailed, well thought out, transitional planning for this eventuality. If it is mentioned, it is usually at interminable meetings (and has no one any grip on the idea that meetings should effect change?) which serve only to raise hopes, and then dash them, as any planning is simply forgotten or postponed, and the professionals come and go. At the end of the day, they go home to a nice tidy existence, and can sleep easily; it doesn't effect them personally.

An example can be seen in the respite facility that was given by Aviemore, the building next to Haut de la Garenne. It was run as a charitable enterprise under the leadership of Sue Deans. If short-staffed, she would roll up her sleeves and get stuck in. Now it is part of the States, and the line manager (Social Services) became a 9 to 5 individual who wouldn't dream of doing that, and anyhow - this was an excuse given - they weren't trained for that, and it wasn't part of their job. Faced with that kind of bureaucratic stone wall, you can see why David Cameron thinks "The Big Society" is a good idea. What would be a better idea would be for the higher salaried line manager to go on training courses so they can earn their money. I'm not naming names, but I've seen one of those names cropping up on Stuart Syvret's blog, and quite frankly, that doesn't surprise me.

If Ian Gorst is serious about looking to increase pension age because he is looking ahead, perhaps he might open his eyes to this appalling record of failure, and do some proper planning here, or at the very least, commission someone to look into it and come up with practical proposals, and not a report that will be buried and forgotten. And in the meantime, the States could some of that extra cash to do some real good, like helping young adults like Martin, rather than being self-congratulatory about how much extra savings they've achieved.

At this rate, the next Chief Minister will probably be so miserly as to make Ebenezer Scrooge look positively philanthropic.

Wednesday, 11 May 2011

Registering an Interest

States members' business interests could hit web

Finding out about the business interests of States members in Jersey could soon become easier. At the moment they have to fill in a book listing any property they own, directorships and other financial interests. But, if you want to look at it you have to go to the States Greffe. Deputy Bob Hill now wants the 'book of interests' put on the web. It has been suggested before, but was rejected for 'security reasons'. Deputy Hill has called this ridiculous. He says if the public can inspect the book, surely the details can go on the internet.
 
Regarding the argument about security - this is a ridiculous straw man argument - as can be seen by the fact that anyone can look up David Cameron's business interests online in the UK (see below). If they have that in the UK, where there is a clear need for security, it is ridiculous to use the "security" argument in Jersey! Are we saying local politicians are more in need of keeping the register secret than the Prime Minister of England? It is about time someone grasped the nettle.

http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmregmem/110503/cameron_rt-hon-david.htm
CAMERON, Rt Hon David (Witney)

The Register of Members' Interests is published soon after the beginning of a new Parliament, under the authority of the Committee on Standards and Privileges, and annually thereafter. Between publications the Register is regularly updated electronically and is available for public inspection in the Search Room of the Parliamentary Archives. Employment agreements deposited with the Registrar are available for personal inspection only. (2)
 
The register is not intended to be wholly comprehensive. Other interests can arise which might not be of a pecuniary nature which should also be addressed, and which may not be registrable:

Transparency is also promoted by the obligation on Members to declare in debates or proceedings of the House and dealings with other Members, Ministers or Crown servants, all interests, whether registrable or not and including indirect, past and future interests which are relevant to the business in hand. (2)

Also there is a limited obligation to declare spouse, partner or dependent children's interests:

While the obligation to register outside employment, sponsorship, property and shareholdings is absolute, in respect of other gifts and benefits the requirement is only to register those interests which in any way arise out of membership of the House. Consonant with this principle, the interests of spouses, partners and dependent children are registrable only if they arise out of their relative's position as a Member, or if they are held jointly with, or by, the Member. (2)

And lastly, the Register is checkable for any particular year compiled, so that, for example, Edward Heath, who died in 2005, still has his interests reported:

http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200001/cmregmem/memi12.htm
HEATH, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward (Old Bexley and Sidcup)
 
Jersey being a much smaller area, I think that spouses or partners should have the right to privacy. With regard to spouses/partner, I think one would have to look at the reasoning behind the declaration of wife's interests etc in the UK. As the UK is such a larger legislature over a larger geographical area, people need to know what a wife's interests are so that (for example) if contracts are offered to businesses, there is no insider knowledge being given so that bids can be tailored.
 
With a small community like Jersey, people probably know a fair about the spouse/partner anyway. Fiona Walker worked for BBC Radio Jersey. Geoff Southern's wife is a teachers union leader.  This has been mentioned in debates! There was a ridiculous debate recently (last year) where about half the members were declaring spouse or partner's interests, and asking whether or not they should not be sitting or excused. In this case, it is clear the interest may be declared, but if it is such a wide nature, members should still debate.

I don't really see any need to be heavy handed - really the only need for looking at making the situation stricter would be if there was a known abuse which could have been prevented by knowing the spouses' interest. And even then, I think it should be targeted specifically at the kind of abuse, rather than a more general declaration of interest for the spouse/partner.
 
It is useful to know members interests. As an example, I recall (vaguely) a debate or questions asked on new flats developments being bought up as investments (by UK people) for a rental income to locals, thus depleting the market for local buyers, and driving up prices. Now knowing that, for instance, one very senior States member had bought a flat at the West Park development (it was in his member's interests) meant that he would have had some degree of interest in permitting it. What if the flat had been in his spouse's name? But after the individual has left the States, do we really need to still know what his interests were in the past? Doesn't he now have a right to privacy in his retirement?
 
I can see that if the spouse/partner had an investment property holding, or perhaps a large shareholding in a company (e.g. Sandpiper, JEC, Jersey Water, Jersey Gas, a Motor company, Telecoms company, private courier service) that was not obviously visible that might cause a potential conflict of interest in a debate, but unless it is likely that the debate will hang on one vote - and that is very rare - I really can't see that even that will effect much change in the outcome.

But I do think that the current system where members interests are only in a folder, only accessible during the opening house of the Judicial Greffe, is simply unacceptable. What is currently there - under current guidelines - should be online in this day and age. We need that level of transparency. What is more, sometimes the writing is very difficult to read - you would guess from reading the scrawling and spidery text that quite a few States members must have wanted to be become Doctors at some time, so it would also help to standardise matters much more.

In the event, members themselves apply commonsense and propriety - for example, in 2003, for example, the Bailiff, Sir Philip Bailhache, withdrew from presiding over a debate because of indirect interests

So far as my own position is concerned, although my wife and I did have a small holding of shares in Le Riches Stores Limited which became shares in CI Traders, those shares have now been sold. Neither of us is a shareholder in the company. However, my father remains a shareholder, both directly and through an investment holding company, in CI Traders and I have a prospective beneficial interest in a family trust which holds some of those shares. For the reasons already given I have therefore disqualified myself from presiding over the forthcoming debates. As is well known, the Deputy Bailiff, while in private practice, was a legal adviser to Les Pas Holdings and has, for that reason, also disqualified himself. I have therefore asked the Greffier of the States to preside, in the forthcoming debate.(3)

Sir Philip also made some useful comments on the difference between the States position on pecuniary interest and that which occurs in the UK - in particular relating to the nature of the interest - 'direct' and 'immediate and personal' - and the requirement in Jersey to withdraw from any debate where that is the case, which in fact does not apply in the UK.

Standing Order 44(1) provides -
 
              'Where any member of the States has a direct pecuniary interest, being an interest which is immediate and personal and not merely of a general or remote character, in the subject matter of any proposition submitted to the Assembly, he shall, as soon as practicable, declare his interest and withdraw from the Chamber during the consideration of and voting on the proposition.'
 
       Before applying this to the present situation, it may be helpful to compare Standing Order 44 with the comparable Rule adopted by the House of Commons at Westminster to regulate its procedure with regard to the declaration of an interest. The House of Commons adopted, on 22nd May 1974, the following resolution -
 
              'In any debate or proceeding of the House or its Committees or transactions or communications which a Member may have with other Members or with Ministers or servants of the Crown, he shall disclose any relevant pecuniary interest or benefit of whatever nature, whether direct or indirect, that he may have had, may have or may be expecting to have.'
 
       Whereas the rule in the House of Commons requires the declaration of 'any relevant pecuniary interest or benefit of whatever nature, whether direct or indirect', Standing Order 44 is much narrower in its scope, requiring the pecuniary interest to be both 'direct' and 'immediate and personal and not merely of a general or remote character'. It is to be noted, however, that whereas Standing Order 44 requires a member to withdraw once a declaration has been made, a declaration of interest in a matter under debate in the House of Commons does not necessarily debar the member from taking part in subsequent debate.
 
       It is worth making this comparison because it helps to clarify the different approach of Standing Order 44 which is to be rigorous about the requirement for a member to withdraw from a matter under debate but only after it is established that the nature of that member's interest is both 'direct' and 'immediate and personal'.

The other debate which is pertinent is one which came up in March this year on Deputy Southern's proposition to make election day a public holiday, and which occasioned the position where a huge number of States members had a financial interest in the outcome; it is instructive, because it effectively makes an exception (by way of what a lawyer would probably call a "clarification"!) to the general rule of withdrawing, that if a debate affected a large class of people in society where the pecuniary interest is shared by States members, then they need not withdraw.

In other words, widespread interests, like being a pensioner, or an employer, or having a spouse or children who are employed, are shared with the general population, and are not the same kind of interest as, in the example given above, being a shareholder in Le Pas Holdings. The States, after all, are there as representatives of society, and it would be strange indeed if they had no financial interests in common.

The Greffier of the States:

The States are asked to decide whether they are of opinion: (a) to agree that Wednesday 19th October should be designated as an extra public and bank holiday for 2011; and (b) to request the Chief Minister to bring forward for approval the necessary Act under the Public Holidays and Bank Holidays (Jersey) Law 1951 to give effect to the decision.

Senator B.E. Shenton:

Before we start, can I just declare a direct financial interest in this proposition; I employ staff that will have to work on that date because the stock market is open and it will affect me financially if this goes through.  I therefore withdraw from the debate.

Senator J.L. Perchard:

Many of us will be in a similar position, and while I will declare an interest I do not think I should be withdrawing from the debate.

The Deputy Bailiff:

The Standing Order in question, I see Senator Shenton has gone already, but the Standing Order in question is Standing Order 106, which says this: "A Member of the States who has or whose spouse or cohabitee has an interest in the subject matter of the proposition must, if it is a direct financial interest, declare the interest and withdraw from the Chamber for the duration of the debate and any vote on the proposition.  If it is not a direct financial interest, but a financial interest, which is general, indirect, or shared with a large class of persons, declare the interest."  It seems to me to be appropriate that, if the consequence of adopting this proposition is that there will be increased wages paid by a Member as an employer that is a matter that is a financial interest, which ought to be declared, but it is clearly shared with a large class of persons; that is to say all employers, and therefore I do not take the view that it is essential for a Member to withdraw under Standing Order 106(1)(a).

[11:15]

Deputy M. Tadier:

Can I ask for clarification, does the "large class" refer to a large proportion of States Members or just a large class within society?

The Deputy Bailiff:

It refers to a large class within society, it is shared with a large class of persons, so it would be in society generally.

Senator T.A. Le Sueur:

I am probably being pedantic, but the States is a large employer of public sector workers who have a direct financial interest, so I am not sure whether I ought to declare that as an interest, maybe we should all withdraw.

The Deputy Bailiff:

Chief Minister, there is no question of Members having to withdraw because they are employers and I note that the States Employment Board employs numbers of people and that interest has been declared.

Connétable K.P. Vibert of St. Ouen:

It may well be that on behalf of the Comité des Connétables that the Connétables should declare a similar interest.

The Deputy Bailiff:

Unless we are going to have every Member standing up and saying that probably in one form or another there is an interest, I think we ought to get on with the proposition.  Deputy Southern.

Links
(1) http://www.channelonline.tv/channelonline_jerseynews/DisplayArticle.asp?ID=494081  
(2) http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmregmem/060919/memi01.htm
(3) http://www.statesassembly.gov.je/documents/minutes/20234-42115-2102003.htm
(4) http://www.statesassembly.gov.je/documents/hansard/17448-47349-742011.htm

Tuesday, 10 May 2011

Jersey's Independent Media 1856-1862 - Part 6

"I would... oppose all wars and interventions except those which the voice of the people might pronounce absolutely indispensable for self-defence, or the protection of the weak against the powerful. I would labour to put an end to the alliance of this country with despotic governments..." (George Harney)

The Chartist George Julian Harney had come to Jersey and taken over as editor of the new Jersey Independent. He had fought against local injustices, but his radical temperament had also become more domesticated over the years, as he married for the second time, and settled more into Jersey society. But his principles remained firm, and despite the criticism of Engels, he had not sold out, or been transformed by easier living into a conservative:

A. R. Schoyen's study of Harney notes that:

The economic depression of 1857-58 and the Lancashire slump a few years later during the American Civil War were both attributed by him to the inherent nature of capitalism. The crisis in Lancashire would have come just as surely without the cotton famine caused by the Union blockade, he wrote -- a judgment with which latter-day historians would be likely to agree. His remarks about the "Millocracy" and "political economy" remained as acrimonious as ever; and he continued to maintain that government should be responsible for the economic welfare of its citizens.

But it was no longer solely through the achievement of Socialism that government could exercise this responsibility. Though private philanthropy was unequal to the task, distress in times of depression could be eased by public works and direct relief -- a pernicious enough doctrine to some Liberals, but a great modification of Harney's old "root-and branch" belief.

His approach to foreign affairs became less outspoken, but not because he had changed his position, but because others, in positions of government in the United Kingdom, had moved more towards his views:

One evidence of this is to be found in the fate of Palmerston in 1858 when he attempted to bring in an Alien Act under the pressure of Louis Napoleon, who had just missed assassination at the hands of the Italian revolutionary, Felice Orsini (whose plot and bomb had been made in England). Combined with the bellicosity of the semiofficial French press, Palmerston's action was sufficient to cause a great popular reaction and his fall from office.

The Italian struggle for independence and unity, from 1859-1860, also was a populist cause across Europe which many supported - the slogan of "liberty" rather than "equality" appealed across the spectrum of liberal positions. Parts of Italy came under the political domination of the Austrian Empire and the Habsburg dynasty, and they more or less directly controlled the predominantly Italian-speaking northeastern part of what is Italy today. Leading the struggle against this was Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807-1882):

Garibaldi became a symbol of democratic liberties to the English working classes. The result of this unanimity of feeling was an extraordinary enthusiasm, demonstrated in the impressive sums subscribed for the revolutionaries, and in the even more remarkable (and typically Liberal) form of a private army, the "English Brigade". To avoid the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act, the Brigade was disguised as an excursion to visit Mounts Vesuvius and Etna. The "excursionists" were furnished with the "means of self-defence" and a uniform costume to "ensure their recognition" of each other ( Jersey Independent, 3 September 1860.)

The Liberal party was largely opposed to the idea of formal military intervention, so this "back door" was needed. Harney found little to criticise in the English response to supporting the Italians in their struggle to throw off the Hapsburg yoke. But Harney was more critical of the Irish response, which was in defence of Church and Rome, and supported by French troops in Rome. In a way, the struggle for Italian independence mirrored to a small degree the divisions that would later be seen in the Spanish Civil War, where the Papacy, mindful of keeping its powers intact, would support the Fascist regime of Franco:

Harney's growing distaste for a nationality whose grievances he had warmly championed in the past may be dated from the intervention in the Italian conflict of the Irish volunteers, some 1,000 strong, who went to the defence of the Church and Rome. While excoriating this evidence of Popish domination and strongly supporting the Italian cause in the Independent, Harney also found time to organize a Garibaldi fund, and was able to bring Victor Hugo back to St. Helier in triumph to speak at a money-raising banquet. This occasion, no more and no less significant than scores of meetings for a similar purpose that year, showed once again Harney's unchanging conviction that events on the Tagus and Arno -- or the Tiber -- should concern Englishmen as much as events on the Thames. During all of these quiet years in Jersey the Independent's banner motto might well have been John Donne's dictum about the interconnection of all men. And this belief was not limited to lip-service on Harney's part, as the "tolling of the bell" represented in the first cannon-fire on Fort Sumter in 1861 was to show.

Now the field of conflict shifted to the American Civil War. Harney had declared of America that ""America is still the hope of the nations -- the terror of their oppressors; on her, from the first hour of her independence, has the eye of patriotism been fixed . . . in her we find a surety for the final and universal enfranchisement of mankind."

Yet since stating that in his youth , he no longer saw America with such idealism, because of the institution of slavery; the dark contradiction at the heart of the declaration that all men are free. "The slaveholders are the worst enemies to Liberty and Mankind that exist on the face of the Earth, and have done more to prevent the triumph of Washington's principles than all the despots and armies of Europe combined," he declared bitterly in the Independent.

In spite of these faults, however, America still remained in 1861 to him, as it did to the majority of European liberals, the "hope of the nations"--the great example of a working democracy. Consequently, he believed, the ruin of the American system of government would be a fatal blow to the cause of general freedom. Quoting Lincoln's words, Harney asked his readers to consider the fundamental question posed by secession: "'Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?'" If the rebels were successful, the answer could only be that democratic institutions were incapable of enduring when threatened by basic internal disagreement. The effect of Southern success, he wrote, must be to drastically retard the development of free institutions everywhere.

But the American civil war (1861-1865) divided English opinion. Most of the  English working class supported the North and Lincoln, and a small body of  liberals such as Bright, Cobden, and W. E. Forster. On the more conservative  side, trade trumped over slavery, and this reflected the majority of those in power, and the media which they controlled. Against this was the democratic feeling of the workers:

The existence of this feeling was crucial in the initial phase of the Civil War: it was democratic sentiment which sustained the Union cause in England until, after the passage of more than a year, Lincoln's "Emancipation Proclamation" made it possible to appeal to the Nonconformist conscience on the issue of slavery. Those supporting the Union were faced by  a formidable opposition. A majority of the free-trade mercantile class were pro-Southern, as were the anti-democratic aristocracy and fashionable society in general--and, it is possible, a portion of the working class engaged on war work for the Confederacy.

Jersey followed the same kind of pattern as the United Kingdom, with Harney being very much in a minority position. The Jersey archive notes the military record of Philippe du Heaume, a Jerseyman who enlisted in Clingmans Brigade and fought in the Confederate Army of the American Civil War.

The Jersey microcosm faithfully represented the state of opinion in England, the Independent being alone among the island press in supporting the Union. When, in the winter of 1861, an American naval vessel intercepted the British ship Trent on the high seas and seized two Confederate representatives on their way to England, the Independent stood with the minute pro-Northern press against the violent demands for action which swept the British newspapers. Nor did the series of Union defeats in the summer of 1862, and Gladstone's public declaration in November that Jefferson Davis had made a nation--an utterance widely interpreted to mean that the cabinet had decided to recognize the Confederate States--shake his resolution in defending the Union cause.

He was aware that this was not only a thoroughly unpopular policy with the forces that mattered in Jersey, but a dangerous one as well. The feeling aroused by the Civil War was extraordinarily deep in England. As Thomas Hughes, the Christian Socialist, told a Massachusetts audience a few years later, "Our political struggles do not, as a rule, affect our social life, but during your war the antagonism between your friends and the friends of the rebel states often grew into personal hostility. . . .

The support of Harney for the North and against slavery brought him into conflict with the proprietor of the Jersey Independent, against whom he had been increasingly fighting a losing battle, and he was dismissed from his position, although some histories say that he resigned. What was clear was that his position had become untenable. The Jersey Independent then came out with an elegy which showed the Jersey support for the South; what is remarkable to modern sensitivities, is the way religious language is co-opted into this message:

"From this day forth our readers will perceive a difference in our treatment of the American Struggle," a leading article began. ". . . All dispassionate observers of American events must recognize it with the definiteness of a Divine Decree that the North is already doomed to be disappointed in its efforts to re-conquer the South. . . . We cannot help seeing that an almighty blow is to be dealt at that big bloated Yankee idolatry which worshipped the dollar."

It is extraordinary that the leading members of Jersey society were so blind to the issue of slavery, and despite the papers attack on the North's worship of the dollar, there can be no doubt that, as in the United Kingdom, all the benefits of monetary investment and trade that effected Jersey society was with the South; a matter conveniently overlooked by the new editor with the tirade against the dollar.

With the certainty expressed by this writer about the war's outcome there would have been few to disagree in the winter of 1862. It speaks a good deal for Harney's integrity and courage in refusing to compromise his support of the Northern cause that he too was by no means convinced of the inevitability of a Union victory. "All the Jersey papers now sing to the same tune:-'Let the American Republic be dismembered for the greater glory of England,'" he wrote to Charles Sumner, the senator from Massachusetts, shortly after his dismissal. "This I hold to be as stupid as it is brutally selfish, as the Future, should the South prevail, will prove."

Harney was against the prevailing culture, and like a prophet, was giving an unpopular message which the people of Jersey, especially those with wealth and influence, did not want to hear, and now had at last managed to silence. And yet history was to vindicate him; anyone reading his views on the Civil War would see that he was in the right, even though he was, at the time, a lone voice, crying in the wilderness.

After a life which had been a succession of struggles for lost causes, there was a peculiar perversity in the fact that he had now become a fatality in a winning cause.

Harney now faced a bleak prospect of employment in Jersey. He had happy years since 1855 when he had arrived in Jersey, tired and ill. He had married a Jersey woman, and enjoyed his home life. But the future in an Island where any employer would be hostile to him did not seem possible, and so he turned his mind to leave the Island:

Obviously, there was no comfort in this for Harney at the time. Since the winter day in 1855 when he had arrived in Jersey fatigued and unwanted, the years had been happy ones. Those years had also seen him grow into middle age, losing what connections remained with his old life. For an unemployed journalist approaching fifty the prospect was not bright. The alternative that remained was one against which some of his most acrid attacks had been levelled in the past--that "monstrous doctrine preached by non-producers to producers", emigration. After some doubts about whether to respond to the persuasion of friends to come to Australia, he decided to try America; and when his furnishings had been auctioned there remained but one event to keep him in the temporary haven of which he had become so fond.

Early in the year his friends had begun to collect a testimonial for Harney, and at a farewell dinner in April he was presented with a gold watch and fifty gold sovereigns--sovereigns which, he punned, he preferred to all those of Europe. Despite such efforts, the dinner was a pathetic affair, with the dead ring of the past already echoing in the eulogies of his efforts in England and Jersey. The most poignant speech of the evening was that of a Polish exile, Schmitt, who in a voice full of emotion presented "their dear friend Julian Harney" with an address signed by the Polish colony which reviewed his tireless efforts since the 'thirties on behalf of Poland. Above any Englishman, he had personified their struggle, Schmitt declared. There could have been little question in the minds of his listeners as to the justification of the claim by which Harney concluded his brief speech of thanks: "He had always been a democrat, he was one now, and he hoped he should remain one until the day of his death."

Forgotten except by a few in England, but remembered at any rate by the Poles and by the tallow-chandler and grocer at whose expense Engels had made merry, Harney sailed with his wife and son from Liverpool in May 1863. He was only forty-six, but his life as a public figure and moulder of opinion was over.

In Boston, he edited his final newspaper, the the abolitionist Commonwealth,  and as can be seen from his lively observations, he seems to have regained  his old happiness, as can be seen in his wry and pithy comments, both critical but affectionate:

"That portion of the earth's surface termed the United States is very largely a land of cranks. If anyone has a new quack medicine, a new quack government, or a new quack social system to introduce into the world, the States constitute 'his happy hunting ground', and of course, in such experiments, Boston is the 'hub of the universe.'"

After that he spent the remainder of his working life a clerk in the secretary's office at the Massachusetts State House, although he still wrote occasional articles for the "Newcastle Weekly Chronicle". But in 1888, he returned to England in retirement, and his wife nursed him when he fell ill; an illness that was to be his last. The last surviving member of the 1839 Chartist convention, he died on 9th December 1897 at Richmond, Surrey. He was buried in Richmond cemetery.

Shortly before his death Harney was interviewed for the paper "Social Democrat" by Edward Aveling, one of the founding members of the newly formed Independent Labour Party (established in 1893). Aveling wrote: "I see in this old man a link between the years and the years. I know that long after the rest of us are forgotten the name George Julian Harney will be remembered with thankfulness and tears".

Links
Jersey Archive, M/44/A1  American Civil War Records
http://www.rdg.org.uk/republicanism/documents/george_harney.htm
A. R. Schoyen The chartist challenge: a portrait of George Julian Harney, 1958,

Monday, 9 May 2011

Liberation Day Memories

My mother was here during the German Occupation of Jersey; here are her memories of that time.

Liberation Day Memories

I was four when the War began and five when we were occupied by the Germans. I had certain memories of 'before the War" but basically the years from five to ten seemed just a way of life.

We were all aware that we were going to be liberated a few weeks before we were. Curfews were not adhered to as before and people listened openly to their little wirelesses, we even used to have an escaped Russian prisoner of war openly coming to visit us from the house where he had been sheltered.

Of course, to school children just being told that there would be no school was enough to get us excited, and I remember standing in the Royal Square with my Aunt and Uncle and young cousin (Francis Pallot, his wife Winifred nee Shepard, and their son Christopher), when Winston Churchill's speech was broadcast to us. My parents (Harold and Ivy Shepard nee Le Marquand) were not there, they had gone to a Thanksgiving Service at our Church.

After the speech my Uncle hurried off home to raise the Union Jack and we followed shortly afterwards only to find that my Uncle, having forgotten a key could not get in to his house, so had broken a window. Thinking back I wonder if I had been older if I would have had the faith that my elders had that we would win the war and it was just a case of when. I know that a bottle of some sort of drink, I think cherry brandy had been kept for just such an occasion as they were secure in the knowledge throughout all the dark years that the time would come when we would indeed celebrate, and so it was.

But, my undying memory was most certainly my tenth birthday which was on the twelfth of May, just three days after Liberation. A party had been planned weeks before, in spite of rationing my mother always managed a party for me. My friends duly came, and during the early evening, in perfect weather, we all went down to the Royal Square, my sister having been called upon to help keep us in order. The Square was packed, I don't think there was anything particular happening, but the excitement during those early days was unprecedented and people gathered just to experience the joy of freedom to be able to gather and talk openly and to meet the troops who had arrived to liberate us.

Well, we children had a fine time, going amongst the crowds and telling the servicemen that we were part of a birthday party, we were given chocolate, sweets, and even the odd two shilling piece, my Mother and my sister went nearly spare trying to gather us all to bring us home. If one or two of us could be found they were told to stay put, only to disappear as soon as they were not being watched.

When we finally did get back home we all pooled our booty and shared the confectionery amongst us, before my guests went home.

Every year around Liberation Day I think of that party, nothing special, but oh so special.

My mother too remembered that party for a very long time and swore that it would be my last one as she had never been so exhausted in her life.

Sunday, 8 May 2011

Prayer or Magic? A Convergence

Here is an account of "spell casting for a parking place"

The first time I used the spell I decided to give it a real test and try to use it on the worst place I knew to park, outside my NIA yoga/dance class. It was typical to have to park blocks away in this busy downtown area. The spell is simplicity itself.  No tools, ingredients, witchcraft symbols,  or invocation prayers are needed, though you can add anything you like if it helps your focus. Always remember: whether you think you can or can't, you're right.   This goes triple for spells and witchcraft. Simply visualize the parking space you want and know that you will have it.  When you get there it will usually be free.  The trick is to invoke the white magic spell at least an hour before you arrive.  If you pull up and have forgotten to cast the spell you can't expect a Buick or Toyota to levitate out of the way, though it will often happen that a car will pull out just as you pull up if the spell is working well and you planned ahead. This is a main tenant of real witchcraft: the further away in time you  invoke a result the more likely it is to happen.(1)

But there are more verbal forms of finding parking spaces. Here is a very Wiccan one, invoking the goddess:

Spell to Find a Parking Space: "Goddess Mother, lift your face and find for me a parking space." or "Gracious Goddess, lift your face and find for me a parking space." (2)

And here is a Christian version of finding parking spaces by prayer:

Every home group that I have ever attended, at some point, normally when we are on the subject of prayer, has a conversation like this:
'Yes, I pray to God a lot - just normal stuff - like when I really want a parking space'.
At which point  two or three people looked shocked and one will say: 'You pray for parking spaces????'
And the first person will say 'Oh yes, and it works, they always open up for me'.
'But.. but.. but... what about all the people starving to death, or.. or... being raped, or with dying children, and God doesn't bother answering them, but he finds you a parking space'.
'Err.. yes'...
'I pray for parking spaces too'... chips in another, 'and it works'. Two or three nod authoritatively.
And so the home group is split squarely down the middle between those who do and those who don't pray for parking spaces. I must have observed this phenomenon five times.(3)

What I find most interesting about this is the way in which Modern Pagan and Christian traditions converge. Is this best described as "magic" or "prayer"? If we look at the form of what is being done, especially in the Wiccan form and the Christian prayer, I think there is very little difference. A deity is invoked, and a request made for a parking space. I have actually come across this in Jersey, both with Christians who have told me about "praying for a parking space", and a Wiccan who mentioned calling on the goddess for a parking space.

Christians, of course, may cite the words of Jesus in the New Testament - "ask, and it will be given to you" - as an argument in favour of this practice. but I don't think that what is happening is anything to do with Christianity; the use of a "proof text" is a rationalisation for something which is being done. In essence, this is an attempt to manipulate the real world, and in its way, it is a magic that is a kind of dark cousin of science.

C.S. Lewis, writing in "The Abolition of Man", notes that:

There is something which unites magic and applied science [=technology] while separating both from the "wisdom" of earlier ages.  For the wise men of old the cardinal problem had been how to conform the soul to reality, and the solution had been knowledge, self-discipline, and virtue.  For magic and applied science alike the problem is how to subdue reality to the wishes of men; the solution is a technique.

I think he is pretty accurate in his assessment. And perhaps, when driving in, and hoping that there might be a parking space, what would be more instructive would be a reflection on the kind of feelings - frustration, anger, disappointment - that would be the case if the parking place didn't materialise, and how we could learn to understand ourselves better, and learn patience, acceptance, and peace of mind in the face of minor adversity - not finding a space. That might be of much more benefit, especially when larger adversity threatens, and we have learned how to deal with our emotions.

Using magic or prayer or will power as a means of manipulating the world (by the deity submitting to your will) to accommodate your wishes has the same basic pattern, and it is the pattern outlined in the "Poet and the Lunatics" story by G.K. Chesterton. There a man tries to control the fall of two raindrops running down a window, but the same elements are there. It is not about, as C.S. Lewis says, "conforming the soul to reality", but it is about self-deception, and while parking spaces are a small matter, the small steps to learning the techniques for self-deception is the dark lesson to be taken away here:

"I was looking at two raindrops running down the pane," said Gale. "And so was Saunders."

"Haven't I told you a thousand times," he continued with increasing earnestness and animation, "that I always find myself looking at some little thing, a stone or a starfish or what not, and that's the only way I can ever learn anything? But when I looked at Saunders, I saw his eyes were fixed on the same spot on the window-pane; and I shuddered from head to foot, for I knew I had guessed right. He was wearing a certain kind of unobtrusive smile.

"You know that incurable gamblers sometimes bet on a race between two raindrops. But there is this specially about the sport; that it is abstract and equal and gives one a sense of impartiality. If you bet on a dog-fight, you may find you really sympathize with a Scotch terrier against an Irish terrier, or vice versa; you may like the look of a billiard player or even the colours of a jockey. Therefore the event may go against your sympathies; and you will realize your limitations. But in the case of those two crystal spheres hung in a void of transparency, there is something like the equal scales of an abstract justice; you feel that whichever wins might be the one you had chosen. You may easily, in a certain secret megalomania, persuade yourself it is the one you have chosen. It is easy to imagine oneself controlling things hung so evenly. .. But I knew that Saunders was just at the delicate crisis, where he was half trying to believe he was. He was half trying to think he had really changed the weather and might change everything; and a game like that of the raindrops was just the thing to encourage him. He really felt as if he were Omnipotence looking at two falling stars: and he was the special providence in them.

Links
(1) http://www.spells-witchcraft.org/introdution-to-spell-casting.html
(2) http://www.everythingunderthemoon.net/spells/find-a-parking-space.htm
(3) http://revdlesley.blogspot.com/2011/05/so-that-is-why-praying-for-parking.html
(4) http://www.cse.dmu.ac.uk/~mward/gkc/books/Poet_and_Lunatics.html#d

Saturday, 7 May 2011

The Lone Ranger

I've been pondering the death of Bin Laden, and thought that Tom Wright, former Bishop of Durham, was very accurate in his placing the American tactical methods in the Westerns mythology of America:
 
Gangsters are preying on a small mid-western town. The sheriff and his deputies are spineless; law and order have failed. So the hero puts on a mask, acts 'extra-legally', performs the necessary redemptive violence (i.e. kills the bad guys), and returns to ordinary life, earning the undying gratitude of the local townsfolk, sheriff included. This is the plot of a thousand movies, comic-book strips, and TV shows: Captain America, the Lone Ranger, and (upgraded to hi-tech) Superman. The masked hero saves the world.

Films and comics with this plot-line have been named as favourites by most Presidents, as Robert Jewett and John Shelton Lawrence pointed out in The Myth of the American Superhero (2002) and Captain America and the Crusade Against Evil (2004). The main reason President Obama has been cheered to the echo across the US, even by his bitter opponents, is not simply the fully comprehensible sense of closure a decade after the horrible, wicked actions of September 11 2001. Underneath that, he has just enacted one of America's most powerful myths.

Perhaps the myth was necessary in the days of the Wild West, of isolated frontier towns and roaming gangs. But it legitimizes a form of vigilantism, of taking the law into one's own hands, which provides 'justice' only of the crudest sort. In the present case, the 'hero' fired a lot of stray bullets in Iraq and Afghanistan before he got it right. What's more, such actions invite retaliation. They only 'work' because the hero can shoot better than the villain; but the villain's friends may decide on vengeance. Proper justice is designed precisely to outflank such escalation.

Here's my poem summing that up:
 
The Lone Ranger

Riding into battle on his trusty steed
Fearless vigilante, not a softy weed
No time for judges, and no time for law
If you don't like it, stick it in your craw
 
Off to the outback, riding with a gun
Looks like a bandit, in the rising sun
But he's a good guy, on his trusty steed
Law courts and justice, that he doesn't need
 
Goes to the bad guy, lurking in a cave
No time for wimps, no time to save
Bad guy is unarmed, but he's got to go
The Lone Ranger wins; it is always so
 
Riding from the battle, but there wasn't one
On his trusty horse, against the setting sun
Never mind the law, let the good guy win
Don't let preacher folk say it is a sin
 
Bad guy killed millions, and deserves to die
Bullets pounded in, expired with a sigh
Rough justice in the west, not a time for law
If you don't like it, stick it in your craw
 
Lone Ranger is a good guy, even if he's bad
He's an true American, not an Injun lad
Good Injun is a dead one, motto for today
Let the wagons roll, no justice today.

Thursday, 5 May 2011

Jersey's Independent Media 1856-1862 - Part 5

"The perseverance of Englishmen in taking their pleasure gravely, under the most adverse meteorological circumstances cannot be too highly commended, especially by doctors and undertakers." (George Harney)

The Chartist George Julian Harney had taken over as editor of the Jersey Independent. During his tenure, because of his baiting of François Godfray over the the injustice of a legal system that robbed tenants of their immediate inheritance if they had no direct heirs, he had been hauled into court under a suit of defamation; this was to eventually collapse. He was also subject to personal attacks by François Godfray on the basis of his involvement with Chartism. But he replied in an open and dignified letter in the Jersey Independent to Godfray's attacks, and defended his past:
 
"Far from being ashamed of having been connected with the Chartist movement, I feel proud in avowing that I have asserted the rights of the industrious but unrepresented classes of Great Britain. . . . You set your creatures to talk about what you and they are profoundly ignorant of. Were I to discuss Chartism with you, and you were to begin by explaining your ideas of that 'ism', I am certain that you would exhibit the most thorough ignorance of principles which have not only been agitated by the working men of England and their friends, but which are in the course of gradual but certain adoption by the Legislature; and which in time will be grafted upon, and become part and parcel of the British Constitution."
 
Here we see a gradual shift in Harney's attitude from the more militant outlook of his younger self of 1839; he now believed that the six points of Chartism would inevitably, if slowly, end up as part of British law. There were other changes which may well have tempered his radical temper, and that was his second marriage and more domestic routines:
 
Harney's material well-being had increased a good deal more than most of his class. As a leader of the radical petit-bourgeoisie in St. Helier, he had found at last a snug backwater which offered security and amusement and prestige of a sort, even if it was far from the mainstream of events. He had doubts at first: his Christmas 1856 greeting to old friends in England conveys an unmistakable sense of isolation; and in his lonely walk about St. Helier on that rainy Christmas Eve -- not speaking to an attractive young woman through shyness, and finally having a drink by himself in a pub -- there is more than a suggestion of the rootlessness of the émigré. But these were passing uncertainties.

Presumably, a man could remain a bachelor in St. Helier only by strength of will. As an observer in the late 'forties noted, "St. Helier is, par excellence, the retreat of old maids. Out of 2,400 souls, there are 1,300 unmarried adult females. There are only 400 men in the town."  Whether the woman Harney married was an old maid or not, she was evidently a person of some intelligence, possessing as well the invaluable trait of admiring her husband.
 
Harney's first marriage had been when he was in exile in Scotland, to a weaver's daughter, Mary Cameron, on 14 September 1840, at Mauchline, Ayreshire. But she had died about 1853, and he had arrived and settled in Jersey as a single man, and a widower. Sometime during his stay, he also met Marie Métivie (nee Le Sueur), who was the widow and James Métivie, and the change from bachelor status to married man clearly effected a change in his personal demeanour. Marie was the widow of a prosperous shopkeeper, and Harney also acquired a stepson, James (b. 1853).
 
In their house on one of the steep streets overlooking the lovely harbour of St. Helier, Harney sank deeper into Victorian respectability. Evidently Marie Harney had brought a lot into the marriage, for the rosewood ottomans, Chinese porcelain and damask curtains of their home were not the sort of thing a provincial newspaper editor's salary would buy. The contrast between this and the rooms in the noisome alleys of Blackfriars and Southwark of his youth was as great as the gap between "George Julian Harney, Esquire", the signature he now adopted, and the deliberately class-conscious way he had signed his name to the manifestos of the East London Democratic Association: "George Julian Harney, Labourer".
 
Yet Harney was pleased to welcome old acquaintances from his past, such as the poet Gerald Massey. Gerald Massey (29 May 1828 - 29 October 1907) was an English poet and self-styled Egyptologist who had been sending Harney copies of his poetical works over the years, and Harney was able also to assist Massey in obtaining a short course of lectures in Jersey and Guernsey in 1862.
 
Massey's lectures were as follows:
 
Massey lecturing in Jersey and Guernsey: "Sir Charles James Napier, the Conqueror of Scinde"; "England's Old Sea Kings; how they lived, fought and died"; a poetry reading by Massey's wife, Rosina; and in Guernsey, a further "England's Old Sea Kings". Four reports in the British Press and Jersey Times, November and December 1862.
 
I haven't been able to track down copies of these lectures, but Massey's poem "We Know There's Something Wrong" gives a good indication of his themes of faith and justice; it is a powerful indictment of a Victorian church that all too often might ignore social ills in its devotion to personal piety:
 
WHEN this bright world's a blessed place
    Where Paradise might be-
If Love but lampt the sweet, sad, face
    Of our humanity-
When heaven is full of sunshine, earth
    Full of fruit, flowers, and song,
Yet starvelings groan 'mid nature's mirth,
    We know there's something wrong.
 
When God's dear sunshine's taxt for gold,
    The smile of green fields bought,
And rulers league in power's stronghold,
    To crush the people's thought;
And statesmen cower tremblingly
    Before the pleading throng,
Nor stand in conscious dignity,-
    We know there's something wrong.
 
When prison-ration, pauper-fare,-
    Is better than theirs who plod
Twelve hours a day like slaves, yet wear
    The image of a God.
When Mother Church breaks hearts for bread,
    And sanctions drop and thong-
We read what Christ the master said,
    And know there's something wrong.
 
Harney's friend Gerald Massey had previously submitted an article to Harney to his English newspapers which was fulsome in its praise of the poet Pierre-Jean Béranger, the "Shakespeare of France", and Harney consequently would provide a glowing obituary to the poet.
 
Pierre-Jean de Béranger (August 19, 1780 - July 16, 1857) was a prolific French poet and chansonnier (songwriter), who enjoyed great popularity and influence in France during his lifetime, but faded into obscurity in the decades following his death.
 
The songs of Béranger would scarcely be called songs in England. They are elaborate, written in a clear and sparkling style, full of wit and incision. It is not so much for any lyrical flow as for the happy turn of the phrase that they claim superiority.
 
As editor of the Jersey Independent, Harney gave the news of Béranger's death extensive coverage :
 
Notice of Béranger's serious illness appeared in The Jersey Independent on July 8 and again on July 18; the death was prominently noted in a black-bordered announcement, terminating with lines from Byron, on July 22; a satirical editorial, "The Imperial Undertaker", appeared on July 25; a biographical notice of over three columns, some letters from the poet to Madame Hugo, and a full-page portrait of Béranger, ready for framing, were printed on August 1; and in each of the issues of August 5, 8, and 12 similar space was devoted to Béranger's poems, together with English translations.
 
Harney kept up correspondence all his life, and thought that the art of letter writing was dying out; while he was in Jersey, this also kept him in touch with wider current affairs across England and Europe:
 
He himself, however, did his utmost to keep the art of letter writing alive. Hundreds of his letters, now lying in lavender, testify to his epistolary industry-all characteristic and all long, some long enough to fill a newspaper column.
 
But he was to leave Jersey, because of a dispute with the proprietor. The American civil was raging between 1861-1865, and most Jersey society was at odds with Harney's stance, supporting the South and slavery. The final section on Harney's time in Jersey will explore this.
 
References
A. R. Schoyen The chartist challenge: a portrait of George Julian Harney, 1958, http://gerald-massey.org.uk/massey/cpr_red_republican_index.htm
http://www.cairn.info/revue-de-litterature-comparee-2005-1-page-5.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pierre-Jean_de_B%C3%A9ranger
http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~harney2/news/hu53.htm
http://richardjohnbr.blogspot.com/2007/08/chartist-lives-george-julian-harney.html
http://gerald-massey.org.uk/adams/c_autobiog05.htm
The Harney papers, 1969, M. Hambrick A chartist's library, 1986 and D.
Goodway 'The Métivier collection and the books of George Julian Harney', Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History, volume 49 (1984), pages 57-60.

Wednesday, 4 May 2011

Enlightenment

Enlightenment: A Meditation for Beltane
 
I remember charcoal burning on the brazier in a cold night in early May. The air was fresh with the scent of wild flowers, but as the sun set, a chill wind came across the land, and I huddled closer to the fire, the better to keep warm.  And I was beset with a fever, and shivered in the cooling evening.
 
I am Gawain, a Knight sworn to chivalry, and this is my tale. In those days, I was a brave hearted young man, full of restlessness. I had heard of Arthur and his consort, the Lady Guinevere, his advisor, the Mage Merlin, and the Great Court of Knights that Arthur had summoned; I had pledged to join that noble band, and fight for justice and peace throughout the land. For ours was a time of discord, there were many bands of brigands in the forests, and local war lords held sway over their own domains, oft ensnaring the unwary traveller.
 
In the distance, I heard a hunting horn, and presently I beheld a man in rich raiment, coming along the woodland track, on horseback.  He dismounted, and approached me. He told me he was the Lord of Cader Idris, and his castle was nearby, and if I would follow him, he would give me food and shelter for the night.
 
So it was that I journeyed to the keep of the Lord of Cader Idris, and outside its gate were three beacons, built of well dried wood, and ready for the burning. But I thought no more of this, and entered the castle, and was shown to my room by the Lady of the Castle; she was dressed in a fine green gown, and wore an emerald ring upon her finger.  And there I remained for three days, recovering from my chill, and in daytime, I lay there in my bed restlessly, listening to the birdsong, and slowly regaining my strength, sleeping and taking sustenance as the servants brought me bread.
 
At times I slept; and then I dreamt fitfully, and in my dream I saw the silhouettes of an old lady and an old man, seated at a small table, lit by a small candle which did not suffice to light the darkness; they were moving the pieces of a finely carven chess set across the board, and every night the lady would take the knight up, and place it in a place of peril, and I would awake, hot and sweating.
 
And later each night, the Lady of the Castle came to me in my room and brought with her a shining golden cup, and bade me drink deep of the mead within, and then servants came and lit the fire, so that I might remain warm. And after drinking this, I fell asleep and slept deeply and restfully each night until the dawn; a sleep unclouded with troubled dreams.
 
Then at last I was recovered and  the Lord came to me and told me that I must pay for my keep, and he would have me take three days in the hunt to match the three nights I had dwelt in his castle.
 
The first day I set off into the forest, a cheerful sunny morning, with the sunlight dappled through the canopy of green leaved branches. I wore a light jerkin, and took with me a sharp long knife, and this was to be the hunting of the wild boar. All day long I hunted him, and all day long he eluded me, so that I was forever catching a bare glimpse of him as he fled, until at length I came across a clearing where he was grazing on the grass, and I rested a while, for I was worn down by the chase. And I would have killed him, but I stayed my hand, and returned to the castle empty handed. Then the Lord of the Castle asked me why I had no prize to bring back. And I said to him:
 
"I bring back the lesson of fortitude that the hunt teaches me that like the wild boar, I must not give up at the first hurdle but continue, and persevere with all my strength until the last. The reward of the chase is not in the kill, but in the striving. This I learned from the hunt and it is enough."
 
And the Lord said "Truly that is well said", and he bade me light the first beacon, saying "Now is the Beltane fire that enlightens burning once more."
 
The second day I set off into the forest, a cold and cheerless morning, with a cool dry breeze moving the branches above. I took with me a spear, and this was to be the hunting of the red deer. All day long I hunted her, catching stray glimpses of red amongst the greenery, until I was thirsty and exhausted by the long chase. Then I came across the deer, and she was panting by the running stream, and she gazed at me with soft sad eyes, and I bent down, and kneeling took water into my hands and drank deeply of that cool water. And I would have killed her, but again I stayed my hand and returned to the castle empty handed. Then the Lord of the Castle asked me why I had no prize to bring back. And I said to him:
 
"I bring back the lesson of delight that the hunt teaches me that like the red deer, I must not forget to turn aside from a  pursuit of worldly aims and neglect the steams of living water, for those replenish the parched spirit of those who thirst after justice, so that they may not be worn down by the cares of the world.  This I learned from the hunt and it is enough."
 
And the Lord said "Truly that is well said", and he bade me light the second beacon, saying "Now is the Beltane fire that enlightens burning once more."
 
The third day I set off into the forest, a wet day, with rain dripping off the canopy of leaves above. I took with me a bow and arrow and this was to be the hunting of the fox. The fox was sharp, and on more than one occasion I came round the trunk of a tree only to see a bushy tail disappear from view behind some bushes. And I was soaked with the water, and it was a miserable day, overcast and grey clouds drizzling down upon me. But I presently I found myself in darker part of the forest than I had hitherto seen, and there was a dry floor of pine needles. And there, curled up and grooming itself, was the fox, and it looked slyly at me, as if daring me to go for the kill. And I would have killed it, but for a third time I stayed my hand and returned to the castle empty handed. Then the Lord of the Castle asked me why I had no prize to bring back. And I said to him:
 
 "I bring back the lesson of hope that the hunt teaches me that like the clever fox, I must learn to think swiftly on my feet, and avoid the snares and traps of the commonplace, seeking instead a haven of calm; for many are those who turn aside to the distractions of the world, but the fox is a cunning beast that knows how to run the race unseen, and use knowledge in the quest for justice. This I learned from the hunt and it is enough."
 
And the Lord said "Truly that is well said", and he bade me light the third beacon, saying "Now is the Beltane fire that enlightens burning once more. And now your pact is kept, and you are free to stay or leave my domain, as you will."
 
That night there was much merriment among those living in the keep, and a fiddler played a merry tune; I danced with the Lady long into the night. When at last I tired, I lay down my cloak, fell asleep, a good restful sleep, such as I had not had for many a night
 
When I awoke, I was in the clearing, and around me were the charred remains of the three beacons, the great Beltane fires, their grey ashes blowing gently across the scorched earth. But of the castle, there was no sight, nor have I seen it since these many years.

Tuesday, 3 May 2011

The Gardener's Calendar - May 1863

This is from Whitnash Parish Magazine, in 1863, and here is the section that begins May, and the gardening tasks. Given the sudden change in weather the last few days, it is certainly true, as the magazine says, that "the east winds have not altogether lost their wintery sharpness"!

Ruskin tells us that May is of Greek derivation, taken from "the eldest of those stars of spring, that Maia, from whom your own month of May has its name" .

Edwin Radford has this to say of May:

May Day celebrations, a feature of the English countryside, go back to the days of ancient Rome, when Roman youths went out into the fields and spent the Calends of May dancing and singing in honour of Flora, Goddess of fruits and flowers. Olaus Magnus wrote: "After their long Winter, from the beginning of October to the end of April, the northern nations have the custom to welcome the returning splendour of the sun with dancing, and mutually to feast each other, rejoicing that a better season for fishing and hunting hath approached."

The merry making aspect of May is also found in Spenser:

Is not thilke the merry month of May When love-lads masken in fresh array?

Radford also notes that the rhyme "Here we go gathering nuts in May."  is not, strictly speaking, accurate:

There are not, of course, any nuts in May to gather. August is the first month in which nuts could be picked. But there is May (hawthorn) in May and there are knots of May to be gathered. And that is what the nuts of the old rhyme really were.

A final oddity of May is that no other month begins or ends on the same day of the week as May.

Whitnash Parish Magazine - May 1863

May is a very pleasant month, but the weather is frequently changeable, and the east winds have not altogether lost their wintery sharpness. Flowers have now begun to deck the hedgerows, and to carpet the woodlands. The cowslip blooms in abundance, and towards the close of the month the white blossom of the hawthorn, to which the special name has been given of MAY, brightens and scents the air.

The days are lengthening, the sunshine is genial. the swallows are come, trees are bursting into leaf, the nightingale and the thrush are in full song, the lambs are sporting in the field, and all nature seems alive with
gladness and beauty.

THE GARDEN: Scarlet runners, dwarf French beans, and led beet should be sown not later than the second week of this month. Dung and dig the ground as it becomes vacant for winter crops. Examine crops of carrots, &c., and where they have failed, sow again.

Sow radishes, lettuces, and all herbs wanted for salads. Plant out vegetable-marrows and cucumbers towards the end of the month, taking care to protect them. Thin out leeks, onions. &c.

Clear gooseberry-bushes of grubs, and gather for kitchen use green fruit from the lowest branches. Remove stray shoots from stone-fruit trees, earth up potatoes, sow hardy annuals for a succession, examine your rose bushes and kill the grubs and caterpillars; stir up the soil among all growing crops; cultivation is almost equal to manuring. After planting out half hardy plants shade them from the sun.

MAY.

Open your windows, that the sweet May breeze
May enter at its will,
Bearing fresh perfume from the blossoming trees,
The quiet air to fill

Quiet, but for the sound of that sweet singing
That floats up from the dell
But for the hum of bees, enamoured clinging
To honeyed coop and bell.

It is the time of Nature's regal dressing;
When, like an Eastern queen
In costliest gems arrayed, the earth caressing,
She decks it emerald green.

Here the laburnum hangs its golden chain,
The silvery hawthorn there
Like amethyst, the lilac studs her train,
And ruby blossoms rare.

The apple-trees have donned a robe of pink,
In homage for a while
How gay the grassplot looks! come, sit and think
Of Nature's younger smile.

Was she not fairer, when with childish glee
We hailed the first. of May-
Plucked the sweet promise from the hawthorn-tree,
And twined with tulips gay ?

Thus far I thought, when apple-bloom replied-
We are not changed, but you ;"
The rosy blush confounded me: I sighed,
Confessing it too true!

References
The Queen of the Air: Being a Study of the Greek Myths of Cloud and Storm by John Ruskin, 1869
Unusual Words and How They Came About by Edwin Radford, 1946

Monday, 2 May 2011

Jersey's Independent Media 1856-1862 - Part 4

"The cause of the common people of all countries is the same - the cause of labour... In each country the slavery of the many and the tyranny of the few are variously developed, but the principle in all is the same... Working men of all nations are not your grievances the same? Is not. then, your good cause one and the same also?"(George Harney)

The Chartist George Julian Harney had arrived sick and unwell in Jersey around 1856. Now editor of the Jersey Independent, he took upon the might of the Jersey establishment, in the person of François Godfray. This was a society in which politics had turned to lawsuits, and the law was used against public opinion. A. R. Schoyen's "A Portrait of George Julian Harney" sets the scene:

Although the franchise was very limited in Jersey, this did not preclude election appeals to public opinion any more than it did in England. During the canvassing period accusations of treachery filled the newspapers; the town, even to the rather odd statue of George II in the Royal square, was placarded with a truly Italian political exuberance; and the Royal Court received a fresh batch of suits for libel--a contingency that seems to have deterred none of the defendants, possibly because so many were also plaintiffs. (One trick fruitful of lawsuits was that of issuing placards which recommended a list of men for office, the majority of whom were notorious local criminals--and among whom, of course, was listed one's opponent.) Yet when the ranks of the old families were threatened, they sank their differences and solidly supported their order.

But if the "radicals" of Jersey were for the most part precluded from direct political action, they were still able to resort to "bold clamour and abuse" (as the staid Jersey Weekly Times put it); and in their new champion on the Independent they had gained a craftsman with a long apprenticeship in this sort of thing. Never hesitant in selecting the largest game, Harney chose for his attack on the vested interests of Jersey the first lawyer of St.Helier, François Godfray, who besides symbolizing the dominant vice of litigiousness on the island was also a great landowner, a prominent member of the States, a banker, and a seigneur with a number of fiefs. Not yet a month in the editorial chair, Harney began baiting this formidable Norman bull by likening those whom he took to court to the unfortunate victims of "Godfray's Cordial", a narcotic proprietary-medicine with which Lancashire working-class mothers had been wont to "quiet, stultify, and ultimately dose out of existence" their fretting children.

The description of the statue of George II as "odd" has to do with the fact that he is dressed in a toga, and bedecked with a laurel wreath, in the fashion of a Roman Emperor, and clutching a scroll; it is, indeed, most peculiar.

But who was François Godfray? Balleine's Biographical Dictionary of Jersey tells us some more:

GODFRAY, FRANCOIS (1807-68), Leader of the Laurel Party, Advocate, and Constable

In Court and Parish Assembly he quickly revealed a wonderful gift of vehement and dramatic rhetoric. With whirling arms and voice of thunder he beat down all opposition. No such oratory had been heard in Jersey for generations. Auguste Luchet, the famous French journalist, who knew all his own politicians, described him as "a splendid man, an orator full of fire and passion, whose burning words set debates ablaze, a man who would -have attained front rank in any Parliament" (Chron. 24.4.61), The Laurel Party. then a minority, looked to this eloquent young man as their hope for the future. When only twenty-three they ran him (1830) for the Constableship of St. Helier's, and to everyone's surprise he beat Pierre Perrot, the Rose candidate, by 33 votes. He had now three spheres of action as Constable, as Advocate, and as Member of the States.

For thirty-three years he was in the States. At first he was full of reforming zeal. He had seen the Bourbons overthrown in Paris. He had watched the efficiency of the French legal and parliamentary system. And he found much in Jersey that he wanted to set right. He secured the admission of the public to meetings of the States. He raised the age for joining the Militia from fourteen to eighteen. He shortened the time during which prisoners had to wait for trial. Then he produced an ambitious plan for reorganizing the Court and the States. Jurats were to be abolished, and their place taken by two paid judges. The States were gradually to be transformed into a Chamber of Deputies. But even the spell of his eloquence could not persuade his fellow members to consent to this. Soon he lost his ardour for reform. The traditions of the Laurel Party were conservative. When A.J. Le Cras and his Jersey Reform Committee began to agitate for the wholesale adoption of the English system, Godfray recoiled in indignation, and became the passionate defender of old institutions.

As Advocate, he was for nearly forty years the leading man at the Bar. He and Pierre Le Sueur appeared on opposite sides in every big case, 'but always on party lines. Laurel litigants engaged Godfray, Rose litigants Le Sueur. There were tremendous verbal fights between these two men, and Godfray's temper often got him into serious trouble. His own paper, the Constitutionnel, which he controlled for thirty years, confessed after his death:.-- "He could not endure any opposition or submit to any restraint". He was responsible for 'scenes' in Court of amazing violence.

Godfray had shifted from being a reformer to a hardened and fiery reactionary, and it was in this later period that he became a subject for Harney's Jersey Independent to look at, and not just by satire, but also on serious grounds over the injustice of a legal system that robbed tenants of their immediate inheritance. Schoyen notes that:

This sport did not divert Harney's attention from the existence of a serious grievance, however. In Jersey law, the feudal lords and the Crown retained a claim to a year's possession of land and its corn-rents when a tenant died without direct heirs; and cases involving payments for inheriting or alienating property were decided in the court dominated by seigneurs.

Against this system the Reform League and Harney tirelessly inveighed; and after the omnipresent Godfray had "stultified" some poor tenants in what they regarded as a particularly outrageous fashion in 1858, their clamour reached a peak. Shedding its skin, the Reform League emerged with fresh vigour in the apt guise of the "Anti-Feudal League"--an appearance which caused Godfray's Le Constitutionnel, the most conservative paper in a scarcely radical press, to hint darkly of the rougées, demagogues and followers of Voltaire behind it. The seigneur was no better than Dick Turpin, Harney replied with gusto, and he would label Godfray's action theft, if called before the Royal Court. The. opportunity was almost immediately offered him: hauled into the court by the irate feudal lord on a charge of calumny, he was unable to convince the bench of seigneurs that he had merely referred to Godfray as an "abstraction", and the suit began its tortuous journey through the antique Jersey legal machinery, to be quashed a few years later. But despite this irrepressible element of low-comedy, the end to which the "bold clamour" of the Independent and the Anti-Feudal League continued to be directed was achieved by the appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into the Jersey land-laws in 1860.

The book "The Channel Islands: A Guide to Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Herm, Jethou" by Frank Fether Dally, published in 1860, also comments on this matter:

It seems that, by a recent decision of the Royal Court, there was an indirect recognition of these obsolete seignorial claims: acting upon which, the leading seigneur, an advocate of the Royal Court, and constable (synonymous with our mayor) of a large and influential parish, seigneur of a fief named "Collette des Augres" attempted to compel the tenants to do homage, in the shape of making their aveux, that is, a servile declaration of the state of their private affairs, that he, the lord of the fief, might profit thereby. Three courts having been held by him, and the contumacious tenants having been menaced with pains and penalties if they failed to attend and do suit and service at the fourth, public indignation was aroused, and the '' Reform League" - for Jersey boasts of such a body - convened a meeting at the assembly rooms in November last to consider the whole question.

Lawyers, ship-owners, merchants, shopkeepers, manufacturers, mechanics- all classes, Jersey and British, of town and country, attended or were represented at this meeting ; and a resolution was unanimously adopted denouncing the pretended "Seignorial Rights" as abuses founded in violence and usurpation, and pledging the meeting to oppose, by all legitimate means, the unjust claims and exorbitant demands of the seigneurs ; and a committee was appointed to organize an ''Anti-Feudal League". Since that time the seigneur has not ventured to convene his fourth court !

Legal changes were slower in Jersey than in England, and yet Harney was at the centre of any change, even though he was also subject to attacks for his religious belief. The "age of the enlightenment" was feared by those in power in Jersey society, as it was seen as an intellectual part of the wave of revolutionary change also seen in America and France, and they wished to have nothing to do with it:

Such teapot-tempests were a far cry from the revolutionary days of 1838-39, yet in a sense Harney was playing the same role as a catalyst for the forces of discontent. It is almost necessary to be a glacialist to discern movement of any kind in the Jersey society of these years, yet movement there was, and Harney was almost invariably involved in it. Certainly there was no lack of survivals evocative of the Ancien Régime to serve as objects for satirical attack. English conservatism of the time seems feverishly Jacobinical when compared with its Channel Island counterpart. In the matter of religion, for example, while the secularist lecturer, Charles Bradlaugh, had his slight difficulties with British audiences, in Guernsey his appearance was sufficient to cause a mob to pursue him to the quay shouting, "Pitch the infidel into the sea!" And echoes of a yet more distant past are to be heard in the accusations of witchcraft made by local citizens against a neighbour in a trial before the Royal Court so late as 1862.

Little wonder, then, that Harney was considered "un grand Sans-Culottes anglais" and worse in this semi-medieval (and rather endearing) society, where the term "Enlightenment" connoted opprobrium. Usually the attacks on him were merely verbal, though one editorial opponent "demanded satisfaction" after a particularly virulent interchange in which he had been bested by Harney's exposure of his past travels in France with a boa constrictor. The tack generally taken was to condemn him as an atheist - one local journal triumphantly revealed to its readers that Harney possessed Voltaire's Philosophical Dictionary--and a Chartist evolutionary. His dangerous friends of the past and his trial for seditious conspiracy at Lancaster in 1843 were sufficient proof that he was plotting, through the medium of the Independent, to establish on the ruins of the Jersey constitution and Norman nationality a social republic à la Marat, declared the editor of Le Constitutionnel in 1858 -- ingenuously revealing the reason for his pique in concluding: "Hitherto his impostures have succeeded only too well in making dupes."

The attack from Godfray's own newspaper, Le Constitutionnel, was aimed at diverting attention away from the arguments about legal injustice, into a personal attack on Harney's religious beliefs, and by implication, the kind of reprobate he must be, and Harney responded vigorously:

Harney was not mollified by this indirect compliment, and his reply may serve as an example of the virile polemics by which he had so quickly made himself one of the most controversial figures on that strange island. La Prostitutionnel, he began roundly, had raised the religious and Chartist questions in order to obscure the issue of Godfray's thieving and usurious conduct. Even if it were true that he was

"a Mohammedan, a believer in Brahma, Vishnu and Siva; a Buddhist, a disbeliever in the blessed miracles of 'Brother Peter', and an atrocious atheist to the gospel according to St. Pusey. . . . That he was with FROST at Newport, with SMITH O'BRIEN at Ballingary, with ROBESPIERRE in the Jacobin Club, with JACK CADE on London Bridge, with WAT TYLER on Blackheath . . ., in the 'sedition of the Gracchi', and the revolt of the Ten Tribes when that 'Chartist' shout was raised, 'To your tents, O Israel!'",

this had nothing to do with Godfray's spoliation of his victims. That was the "damn'd spot" which was not to be washed out by the "filthy contents of his utensil, the Constitutionnel". Bronterre would have been proud of his pupil's dismissal of the rival editor as a "lying and scurrilous Jesuit, a disgrace to the profession to which he belongs, a sacerdotal ruffian who exhibits all the instincts of a Spanish inquisitor".

It is interesting to note, in these days of bloggers, where aspersions are cast as to the rough but robust turns of phrase which are sometimes used, that this is, and has always been, part of Jersey's heritage, even if we are now perhaps to genteel to acknowledge it!

In the next segments, I will tell the story of the how Harney moderated his outlook, but also of the divisive international matter which caused Harney's proprietor to fall out with him, and how he finally left Jersey and the Independent.


Works Cited
The Chartist Challenge: A Portrait of George Julian Harney. A. R. Schoyen, 1958
Balleine's Biographical Dictionary of Jersey
The Channel Islands: A Guide to Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Herm, Jethou by Frank Fether Dally (1860)